Herd instinct

If the primary purpose of conducting the caste census is to justify higher reservations for SCs/STs/OBCs, then this information already exists. The National Family Health Survey (NFHS) suggests that the share of SC/ST/OBC sections in the country’s population exceeds 50%.

The NFHS are nationally representative periodic surveys that provide information on the caste composition of the population. This data can be used to estimate the caste composition at the district and state level. NFHS estimates are based on scientific sampling methods that help to infer information about the population based on a sample of households. NFHS provides reliable estimates often used in scientific research, government reports, and the industry.

The reported results from the Telangana Caste Census are remarkably similar to the NFHS estimates. For example, according to NFHS, 27.8% of the Telangana population identifies as SC/ST, 54.1% as OBC, and 17.4% as general category. Telangana Caste Census reports that 27.8% of the population identify as SC/ST, 56.7% as OBC, and 16% as general category.

The NFHS data is available for all other states. For example, NFHS indicates that in UP, the share of SC/ST/OBC population in the total population is 78.9%. In Gujarat, this share is 74.7%. In the states of Maharashtra and Karnataka, this share is 56.3% and 85.7% respectively. Since NFHS also asks people the religion they most identify with, this caste data can be seen across religions as well.

Besides, the NSS / NFHS surveys also collect rich information on various social and economic indicators such as wealth, education, employment, health, alcohol use, tobacco use, condition of women, etc. Since these surveys have been conducted over time, they have been used to check for convergence in the economic and social status across caste groups. Several prominent studies like K Munshi (2019) and Hnatkovska & Lahiri (2012) have documented that while gaps in economic status between caste groups exist, there has been a remarkable convergence over time. In other words, the SC, the ST, the OBC, and the General category groups have become more equal. The socially marginalized sections of the population are catching up.

It is unrealistic that the proposed Caste Census would collect such diverse data on socio-economic indicators for the entire country. Even if the caste census collects such information, it will be available every ten years. NFHS / NSS can be done every 3-4 years. Moreover, NFHS / NSS / India Human Development Survey data is already used in public policy-making.

In that case, what does the proposed caste census intend to achieve? Will the caste census collect data on the population size and socioeconomic indicators for every sub-caste (which NSS/NFHS doesn’t do)? What will this information be used for?

If the purpose of the caste census is to unbundle the castes within the SC, the ST, and the OBC groups, this can stir a hornet’s nest. The caste census will likely rattle the SC, ST, and OBC groups which receive caste based benefits, rather than the general castes. It may pit social groups within the broader ST, SC, and OBC communities against each other.

The caste census can be used to strip a caste or a sub-caste of its reservation privileges if its social and economic indicators are comparable to the general category.

Caste census can provide information to fix the quantum of reservation based on the population size or economic status of each caste and sub-caste within the reserved categories. This will be a deviation from the current policy where all the castes categorized as ST have equal claims at 7.5% reservation. Even if this is not the intended objective of the caste census, it will motivate demands from caste groups for higher reservations within the reserved seats.

Census data can selectively target specific social groups within the broader Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe categories. For example, the Pre-Matric Scholarship Scheme for ST Students be replaced with the Pre-Matric Scholarship Scheme for only Meena students leaving out other ST caste groups.

Despite its promise of superior targeting of specific social groups based on social exclusion, it is also impossible for a caste census to realistically capture social stratification. This is because caste isn’t the only factor that socially stratifies India. Caste intricacies intersect with class, language, and gotra differences. There are hundreds or even thousands of sub-castes within Brahmins. Saraswat Brahmins in Tamil Nadu may be similar to other Tamil Brahmins as compared to Saraswat Brahmins from Uttar Pradesh.

There seem to be no substantive reasons for conducting the census. The Government of India hasn’t specified the objectives of conducting the Caste Census. Most purposes of conducting a caste census are speculative. The UPA and NDA governments have not disseminated the 2011 caste census data. Bihar and Telangana have recently conducted caste censuses. But neither have they disseminated census data, nor framed policies based on it. Therefore, it is worthwhile to ponder over the usefulness of conducting a caste census.

 The author is currently an Associate Professor of Economics at RV University, Bengaluru. 

The Author is a Research Fellow at AgaPuram Policy Research Centre.  Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of the AgaPuram Policy Research Centre.

This article was originally first published by The Economic Times at https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/opinion/et-commentary/another-caste-count-for-/articleshow/120906704.cms