Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan

Trichy’s Initiatives to Enhance Ease of Living

Trichy’s Initiatives to Enhance Ease of Living Trichy’s Initiatives to Enhance Ease of Living Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan March 2, 2020 Public Policy   The article discusses the challenges before the Trichy City Corporation in achieving the vision of ‘ease living for all’. It also sheds light on how a slew of innovative initiatives undertaken by it, involving citizens in most of the programmes, have yielded good results. The southern Indian State of Tamil Nadu has 15 City Corporations which play a pivotal role in economic development. These 15 cities account for one-third of the State’s population and 11 among them were selected under the Smart Cities Mission to transform ease of living by adopting technology and innovative approaches. But cities in Tamil Nadu are facing many challenges due to the dearth of adequate civic facilities. Even after close to three decades of the reforms of the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1992, which recognised the importance of local self-governments for the delivery of essential services, they are yet to be fully implemented. The will of the people was time and again betrayed by the elected representatives who make the laws on behalf of the people. This was mainly due to two factors: the lack of citizens’ engagements in the implementation of policies by the authorities and the failure of the overall governance system in which the citizens’ role has been undermined.  Click on to read the article Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research https://www.cppr.in/articles/trichys-initiatives-to-enhance-ease-of-living     Facebook Instagram X-twitter

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PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part II

PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part II PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part II From the very beginning of Gandhi’s Non-cooperation Movement, PS Sivaswamy Aiyer had been opposed to it but never attacked him personally. Aiyer was very much concerned about how passive resistance movements perused against the British government and Aiyer feared that these mentalities of passive resistances might not spare any governments in future. Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan February 25, 2020 Indian Liberals Editor’s Note: This is the second article in a two-part series paying homage to PS Sivaswamy Aiyer, the forgotten liberal intellectual of pre-independent India. Read the first part here. During the nineteenth century India, freedom movements produced many thought leaders and thinkers who fought for the country’s independence on varied battlegrounds. The common thread that cuts through these movements was British imperialism vs freedom, liberty and nationhood. However, from the beginning of the twentieth century, there were sharp differences of opinion among apex leaders of Indian National Congress on the methods to be pursued for political movements and principles of constitutional reforms to further the goal of complete freedom. The leaders were divided among the Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms announced in 1918-1919 by the British government to introduce self-governing institutions gradually in India.  The Liberals were known as Moderates who supported the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms opposed by extremists, direct actions and revolutionary. The liberalism was defined as “constitutionalism and gradualism” led by Mahadev Govinda Ranade and Gopala Krishna Gokhale. The “extremism, direct action and revolution” was led by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal and Lala Lajpat Rai. Many are unaware that the grand champion of Independent India’s liberalism C Rajagopalachari or Rajaji was revolutionary during the freedom movements! Among others, VS Srinivasa Sastri and PS Sivaswamy Aiyer were real faces of Indian liberalism in pre-independence India.   PS Sivaswamy Aiyer on Indian Liberalism PS Sivaswamy Aiyer was a firm believer of liberalism and was influenced by the works of Ranade and Gokhale besides JS Mill, Herbert Spencer and Alexander Bain. According to K Chandrasekharan, “he was never drawn to the allurement of the ultimate ideal by ignoring the practicality of the immediate.” Aiyer was among top leaders of Madras Liberal League and spearheaded the liberalism of the early part of the twentieth century towards advancing the constitutional methods to attain freedom. In 1965, the noted historian KA Nilakanta Sastri (1892-1975) edited a volume on “A Great Liberal: Speeches and Writings of Sir PS Sivaswamy Aiyer” by classifying the speeches and writings of Aiyer into broad themes such as political, economic, military, social, educational, legal fields, etc. In 1919, in his Convocation address at Banaras Hindu University Aiyer remarked that “the spirit of rational investigation has always occupied a place in the history of Indian thought”. One could see the application of this profound thinking in all of his writings and speeches. Sivasamy Aiyer was president of National Liberal Federation of India (NLFI) or Liberal Party of India in 1919 and 1926. In his address at Calcutta in 1919, he openly criticised the Passive Resistance Movement called by Gandhi. Aiyer called Gandhi’s ‘constructive programme’ an impracticable and believed that an “unqualified doctrine of non-violence has never been carried out in practice.” From the very beginning of Gandhi’s Non-cooperation Movement, Aiyer had been opposed to it but never attacked him personally. Aiyer was very much concerned about how passive resistance movements perused against the British government and Aiyer feared that these mentalities of passive resistances might not spare any governments in future. There were some outbreaks of violence after Gandhi’s passive resistance movements which led Sivasamy Aiyer to harp on his apprehensions quite strongly. Aiyer remarked delivering Presidential address: “So long as he (Gandhiji) is the dictator of the non-cooperators and so long as he continues to be, if I may respectfully say so, intoxicated with the incense of adulation paid by his worshippers, and so long as he is anxious to maintain his reputation as a prophet by trying to hasten the event of Swaraj at lightning speed, so long as he maintains the attitude, the unyielding and uncompromising attitude which he does, I am afraid it will not be possible to come to any satisfactory results.” Further, Sivasamy Aiyer’s thoughts reminiscence to the current protests of students’ and few instigated groups which are breaking law and order in the name of the right to protests. Avowedly condemning the Gandhi’s Satyagraha movement Aiyer remarked “But though few believe in the specific articles of his faith, the Gandhi spirit or the mentality which he created has permeated large sections of the masses. The young have lost their respect for their parents and elders; students have lost their respect for their teachers, resent discipline and claim the right to strike work, respect for the laws of the land has sensibly diminished; and the people have become familiarised with the idea that it is right and even laudable to break laws which do not commend themselves to sectional public opinion.” The law-breaking mentality more than the civilised culture denouncement is more dangerous. Aiyer was someone who would educate the youth to fight with ethics and principles rather than encourage for street protests. In 1927, Sivasamy Aiyer delivered eight lectures in the University of Madras in the memory of his late childhood friend V Krishnaswami Aiyer who died prematurely. His lectures titled “Indian Constitutional Problems” were published in 1928. Aiyer emphasises on the systems of responsible government on attaining the independence on all significant aspects of government systems both at centre and state as well as at local body levels. Through these lectures, he had unequivocally dealt with a range of subjects like the role and structure of legislature, executives at the centre and state level, judicial systems, the party systems, the defence, the minorities, etc. As far as the backward classes were concerned, Aiyer was acutely aware of the fact that “the treatment of the backward classes has been in the past a slur upon the social system of India”. In 1913, he remarked, “that any form of Constitution in which the lowest classes are not represented must result in injustice and oppression.” He strongly advocated the decentralised government systems

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PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part I

PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part I PS Sivaswamy Aiyer: Forgotten Indian Liberal – Part I PS Sivaswami Aiyer’s life and works are relevant to the contemporary public discourse but completely forgotten, even in his native state. Sivaswamy Aiyer was a prominent legal luminary, administrator, educationist, scholar, liberal thinker and statesman. He was liberal constitutionalist with a firm belief in constitutional rights, individual liberty and freedom. Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan February 17, 2020 Indian Liberals Editor’s Note: This is the first article in a two-part series paying homage to PS Sivaswamy Aiyer, the forgotten liberal intellectual of pre-independent India. Read the second part here. In a fierce debate of contemporary public policies, the better intended few thinkers try to reconnect the relevance of the history of Indian economic thoughts. Alas, often they are underestimated and ignored, the larger meaning of engaging with history to understand better both in logic and sound reasoning are ignored decisively. Recently, Sanjeev Sanyal, who is a Principal Economic Adviser in the Union Ministry of Finance, remarked while delivering the 14th Netaji Subhash Memorial Lecture that – “India needs to begin to revisit its own history. And, what better place to start than by starting with the story of India’s freedom struggle.” However, the retired bureaucrat Anil Swarup who ignored the context and deceptively criticised Sanyal’s argument by stating that – “The guy should focus on job at hand, reviving the economy and stop talking about what needs to be done to Indian history. How long will we hang on to the past? We should certainly learn from history but not get stuck in the past.” Though, Sanyal’s lecture focused on the forgotten revolutionaries of freedom struggles during the British rule and not equally forgotten classical liberals who courageously worked with British Governments and brought out many constitutional reforms without losing the voices for freedom struggles. This is how Indian history has been treated in the last half-century among the well-read and educated class, even after the decades of distorted narratives produced by historians. It is even sobering in south India – Tamil Nadu, the alleged Dravidian movements of last century against the dominance of the upper castes in social and political spheres which irreparably led to undermining the life and works of liberal thinkers who firmly stood for the welfare of all sections of the society through constitutional provisions of schemes. There were several liberal luminaries from Madras (now Chennai) whose works were ignored during the alleged movements of Justice Party and Dravidian polity which paid only lip service to masses in the name of upper castes through its dogmatic tactics. Indeed, these political movements did not produce any scientific, scholarly and civilised literature on the ideas and thoughts of both Tamil literature and Sanskrit. One such liberal thinker was PS Sivaswamy Aiyer whose life and works are relevant to the contemporary public discourse but completely forgotten even in his native state! Sivawsamy Aiyer was a prominent legal luminary, administrator, educationist, scholar, liberal thinker and statesman. He was liberal constitutionalist with a firm belief in constitutional rights, individual liberty and freedom. Indeed, he single-handedly fought for many constitutional reforms through his long association with the British government. His contribution in fields like education, defence and Indianisation of Army was enormous. He was representative of the Indian government to the third session of League of Nations which later became the United Nations. Life and Education of Sivaswamy Aiyer Pazhamaneri Sundaram Sivaswami Aiyer was born on the 7th of February, 1864 in Pazhamaneri village on the south bank of Cauvery River near Thanjavur in Madras Presidency (now Tamil Nadu). His father was Sanskrit Scholar, School Teacher, and Court Pleader. He had three younger brothers and two sisters. He attended SPG Fort Branch High School at Manambuchavadi for schooling. He completed his matriculation in 1878 and secured first class in FA Examination at Government Arts College, Kumbakonam. After a year there, he joined the Presidency College, Madras (now Chennai) and completed his BA in 1882 with major history, philosophy and psychology. In 1883, he joined Madras Law College which was also operated in the same campus of Presidency College, Madras. In 1885, he started the law practice by joining with advocate R Balaji Rao in Madras. Besides law practice, he also worked as an Assistant Professor at Madras Law College to support his family as the eldest son after his father’s death in 1893 and served till 1899.  Sivaswamy Aiyer had a keen interest in politics, economics, sociology, library science besides Sanskrit and English literature. He was a joint editor of Madras Law Journal from 1883 to 1907. He founded the Madras High Court Lawyers Association in 1889. He fervently advocated educating the youth towards constitutional methods to attain freedom from the British. The liberal thinker and better known as Silver Tongue of India VS Srinivasa Sastri (1869-1946) was a student of Sivaswamy Aiyer at Madras Law College. Aiyer wrote many articles in the Servants of India, a weekly magazine founded and edited by Srinivasa Sastri at Servant of India Society, Pune. In 1906, Sivaswamy Aiyer founded a school near to his home town at Thirukkattupalli which is nearby Thanjavur for promotion of school education of children. It is now named as Sir PS Sivaswamy Aiyer Higher Secondary School, but he never allowed for using his name till his death. This school was the co-educational school which was first of its kind in the Madras Presidency at that time. In 1930, he became President of National Girls High School at Mylapore, Madras and adopted the school to promote girls’ education. It now functions with his wife’s name as Lady Sivaswami Aiyer Girl’s Higher Secondary School, Mylapore, Chennai. He made generous contributions to these two schools besides several other institutions and organisations across the country including Vivekananda College, Chennai and Madras Sanskrit College. After his wife’s death in 1939, he had sold the house in which he was living for a long time and donated the entire amount to the above schools and stayed in a rented house. He was President

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Can Good Governance Fetch better Ranking for Erode City?

Can Good Governance Fetch better Ranking for Erode City? Can Good Governance Fetch better Ranking for Erode City? Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan February 14, 2020 Urban Development   The article discusses different factors that have led to the poor performance ranking of Erode City at the national level on different parameters assessed over the past years and puts forward a few suggestions for improvement. Poor Ranking of Erode City In the last few years, both the State and Central Governments have been sanctioning a huge amount of money for several schemes and programmes aimed at improving essential services provided to its people. Funds were also sanctioned for a few special projects for improving city development through innovative pilot schemes. It would be interesting to look at Erode city’s performance at the national level ranking on different parameters over the years. In 2010, the Union Ministry of Urban Development had ranked Indian Cities on sanitation with a reference to Review the National Urban Sanitation Policy 2009–2010. Erode city was ranked 60 out of 423 cities. The City scored just 43 out of 100 marks. Other cities of Tamil Nadu that ranked better than Erode were Trichy (6), Chennai13), Alandur (20), Thanjavur (26), Neyveli (31), Thirunalveli (38), Pallavaram (39), Tambaram (40) and Nagercoil (53). Click on to read the article Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research https://www.cppr.in/articles/can-good-governance-fetch-better-ranking-for-erode-city Facebook Instagram X-twitter

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நானி பல்கிவாலா: நீதித் துறை அறிஞரின் பொருளியல் முகம்

நானி பல்கிவாலா: நீதித் துறை அறிஞரின் பொருளியல் முகம் நானி பல்கிவாலா: நீதித் துறை அறிஞரின் பொருளியல் முகம் Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan December 12, 2024 Tamil Articles   பா.சந்திரசேகரன் இருபதாம் நூற்றாண்டின் தலைசிறந்த பன்முக ஆளுமைகளில் ஒருவர், நானி பல்கிவாலா. நீதித் துறை அறிஞராக அவரது அபார ஆளுமைத்திறனைப் பற்றி தேசிய மற்றும் சர்வதேச அளவில் இன்றளவும் பேசப்பட்டுவருகிறது. பிரபல வழக்கறிஞர், இந்திய அரசமைப்புச் சட்ட நிபுணர், சர்வதேச சட்ட வல்லுநர், சிறந்த சட்டப் பேராசிரியர், கல்வியாளர் என்பதோடு அவர் ஒரு பொருளியல் அறிஞரும் நிதிநிலை ஆய்வாளரும்கூட. நாடு சுதந்திரம் அடைந்த பிறகு, அரசமைப்புச் சட்டம் ஜனவரி 26, 1950 முதல் நடைமுறைக்கு வந்தது. அதைத் தொடர்ந்து வந்த ஆண்டுகளில், அரசமைப்புச் சட்டம் உறுதிசெய்துள்ள அடிப்படை உரிமைகளைப் பின்பற்றுவதோடு, அவற்றை அரசியல் களத்தில் கண்ணியமாகக் காப்பாற்றுவது என்பது மிகவும் கடினமாக இருந்தது என்பதுதான் வரலாறு. அந்நிலை இன்றும் தொடர்கிறது. அரசமைப்புச் சட்டம் குறித்த வரலாற்றுச் சிறப்பு மிக்க வழக்குகளில் நானி பல்கிவாலாவின் பங்களிப்பு அளப்பரியது. அரசமைப்புச் சட்டத்தின் அடிப்படை உரிமைகளை ஆளும் அரசு, தன்னுடைய மனம்போன போக்கில் மாற்றங்கள் செய்ய முடியாத அளவுக்கு அவற்றை வழக்குகளின் வாயிலாக வலுப்படுத்தினார். நெருக்கடிநிலை அறிவிக்கப்பட்டபோது, பத்திரிகைகளின் சுதந்திரம் பறிக்கப்பட்டது, வங்கிகள் நாட்டுடமையாக்கப்பட்டது தொடர்பான வழக்குகளில் அவரின் அறிவார்ந்த வாதங்கள் பாராட்டப்பட்டன. அரசமைப்புத் திருத்தச் சட்டங்கள் குறித்த அவரது விமர்சனங்கள் வீரியம் மிக்கவை. வரிச் சட்டங்களில் நிபுணர் நானி ஆர்த்தீர்ஸ் பல்கிவாலா, ஜனவரி 16, 1920-ல் பம்பாயில் ஓர் எளிய பார்சி குடும்பத்தில் பிறந்தார். அவரின் பெற்றோர் ‘நானாபாய்’ என்று அவரை அழைத்தார்கள். மற்றவர்கள் அவரை ‘நானி பல்கிவாலா’ என்று அழைத்தார்கள். அவர் தனது பள்ளிப் படிப்பு மற்றும் கல்லூரிப் படிப்பை பம்பாயில் முடித்தார். தூய சேவியர் கல்லூரியில் முதுகலை ஆங்கில இலக்கியமும் பின்னர் அரசு சட்டக் கல்லூரியில் சட்டமும் படித்தார். பள்ளியில் படிக்கும்போது, திக்குவாய் பிரச்சினையைச் சந்தித்த அவர், பின்னாளில் மிகப் பிரபலமான வழக்கறிஞராக விளங்கினார் என்பது ஊக்கமூட்டும் விஷயம். 1946-ல் சர் சாம்சட்ஜி காங்கா என்ற மூத்த வழக்குரைஞரிடம் இளம் வழக்கறிஞராகப் பயிற்சியைத் தொடங்கினார் நானி பல்கிவாலா. அடுத்த சில ஆண்டுகளில், அவர் ‘வருமான வரிச் சட்டம் மற்றும் நடைமுறைகள்’ என்ற சிறந்த நூலை எழுதிமுடித்தார். அப்போது அவரின் வயது 30 தான். பல பத்தாண்டுகளாக இந்தப் புத்தகம் வருமான வரிகள் சம்பந்தப்பட்ட துறையில் ஒரு சிறந்த வழிகாட்டி நூலாகத் திகழ்ந்தது. வருமான வரி மற்றும் வணிக வரிச் சட்டங்கள் தொடர்பான வழக்குகளில் புகழ்வாய்ந்த வழக்கறிஞராக விளங்கிய பல்கிவாலா, இந்தியாவின் முதல் இரண்டு சட்டக் குழுக்களிலும் (1955 மற்றும் 1958) உறுப்பினராக இருந்தவர்.   நிதிநிலை அறிக்கையின் விமர்சகர் 1958 தொடங்கி பொது நிகழ்ச்சிகளில் சொற்பொழிவுகளை நிகழ்த்தத் தொடங்கினார் நானி பல்கிவாலா. மத்திய அரசின் ஆண்டு நிதிநிலை அறிக்கைகளைப் பற்றி ஆய்வுச் சொற்பொழிவுகள் அப்படித் தொடங்கியதுதான். 1958 தொடங்கி 1994 வரை தொடர்ந்து நிதிநிலை ஆய்வுச் சொற்பொழிவுகளை அவர் நிகழ்த்திவந்தார். முதன்முதலில் மும்பையில் ஒரு ஹோட்டலில் சிறிய அளவில் தொடங்கப்பட்ட அந்தச் சொற்பொழிவு, பொதுமக்களின் ஆதரவைப் பெற்று பல்வேறு நகரங்களில் கிரிக்கெட் மைதானங்களில் நடத்துகிற அளவுக்கு செல்வாக்குப் பெற்றது. இறுதி ஆண்டுகளில் ஒரு லட்சத்துக்கும் மேற்பட்டவர்கள் இந்தச் சொற்பொழிவைக் கேட்கக் கூடினார்கள். ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும், மத்திய அரசின் நிதிநிலை அறிக்கையின் அனைத்து முக்கிய அம்சங்களையும், எல்லா மக்களும் எளிதில் புரிந்துகொள்ளும் வகையில் புள்ளிவிவரங்களோடு சொற்பொழிவாற்றினார். நிதிநிலை அறிக்கை பற்றிய தனது எண்ணங்கள், விமர்சனங்கள் மட்டுமின்றி, அரசின் வருவாயைப் பெருக்குவது, செலவுகளை எப்படிக் குறைப்பது என்பது குறித்து ஆக்கபூர்வமான யோசனைகளையும் அளிப்பது அவரது வழக்கம். அவரின் நிதிநிலை அறிக்கை பற்றிய ஆய்வு நிதியமைச்சரின் அறிக்கைக்கு நிகராகப் பார்க்கப்பட்டது. ஒன்றரை மணி நேரம், துண்டுச் சீட்டுகூட இல்லாமல் சொற்பொழிவுகளை நிகழ்த்தினார் என்பது இன்னொரு ஆச்சரியம்! இந்தியப் பொருளாதாரம், நீதித் துறை, அரசமைப்பு, சமுதாய ஒற்றுமை, நிதிநிலை அறிக்கைகள் பற்றிய ஆய்வு முதலான அவரது சிறந்த சொற்பொழிவுகள் ‘மக்களாகிய நாம்’ (1984) , ‘நாடாகிய நாம்’ (1994) என்ற தலைப்புகளில் தொகுக்கப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன. இவ்விரண்டு நூல்களிலும் நாட்டின் பல்வேறு பிரச்சினைகளை ஆக்கபூர்வமாக ஆய்வுசெய்து, அறிமுக வாசகர்களுக்கும் எளிதில் புரியும்படி விளக்கியுள்ளார். ஆங்கில இலக்கியங்களில் ஆர்வம் கொண்டவர் பல்கிவாலா. அவரின் எழுத்துகள் அனைத்திலும் உலகப் புகழ்பெற்ற இலக்கியவாதிகளின் மேற்கோள்களைப் பார்க்க முடியும்.   அரசமைப்புச் சட்ட வழக்கறிஞர் உச்ச நீதிமன்றத்தில் 1973-ல் நடந்த கேசவானந்த பாரதி (எதிர்) கேரள அரசு என்ற முக்கியமான வழக்கில், அரசமைப்புச் சட்டத்தில் திருத்தங்கள் செய்ய மட்டுமே நாடாளுமன்றத்துக்கு அதிகாரம் இருக்கிறது, அதன் அடிப்படைகளை மாற்றுவதற்கு அதிகாரமில்லை என்று தெளிவுபடுத்தப்பட்டது. வரலாற்றுச் சிறப்பு மிக்க இந்த வழக்கில், நானி பல்கிவாலாவுக்கு முக்கிய பங்குண்டு. உலகளாவிய நீதித் துறை சிந்தனைகளை எடுத்துக்காட்டி தனது வாதங்களை எடுத்துவைத்தார் பல்கிவாலா. சர்வதேச நீதிமன்றங்களிலும் இந்தியாவின் சார்பாகப் பல்வேறு முக்கிய வழக்குகளில் நானி பல்கிவாலா வாதிட்டார். பிற நாட்டுச் சட்ட அறிஞர்கள், தமது வாதுரைகளை எழுதிவைத்துக்கொண்டு பேசியபோது, பல்கிவாலா மட்டும் கைகளில் குறிப்புகள் எதுவும் இல்லாமல் வாதாடி ஆச்சரியப்படுத்தினார். 1971-ல் சுதந்திரா கட்சியின் தலைவராகப் பொறுப்பேற்றுக்கொள்ளுமாறு நானி பல்கி வாலாவைக் கேட்டுக்கொண்டார் ராஜாஜி. ஆனால், அரசியல் சார்பற்றுத் தனித்துச் செயல்படவே தான் விரும்புவதாக வருத்தத்துடன் மறுத்துவிட்டார் பல்கிவாலா. டாடா குழுமத்தின் பல்வேறு நிறுவனங்களின் இயக்குநராகவும் தலைவராகவும் பணியாற்றியிருக்கிறார். 1968 முதல் 2000 வரை ‘ஃபோரம் ஆஃப் ஃப்ரீ எண்டர்பிரைசஸ்’ அமைப்பின் தலைவராக விளங்கினார். மும்பையை மையமாகக் கொண்டு இயங்கிய இந்த அமைப்பு, இந்திய அரசின் பொருளியல் கொள்கைகள் குறித்த விமர்சனங்களைப் புத்தகங்களாகத் தொடர்ந்து வெளியிட்டுவந்தது. 1977-ல் அமெரிக்காவுக்கான இந்தியத் தூதராக நானி பல்கிவாலாவை நியமித்தது மொரார்ஜி தேசாய் தலைமையிலான ஜனதா அரசு. கிட்டத்தட்ட இரண்டு ஆண்டுகள் அவர் அந்தப் பணியில் இருந்தார். ஆனால், அந்த வாய்ப்பையும்கூட அவர் அவ்வளவு எளிதில் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளவில்லை. அவரின் சட்டத் துறை மற்றும் பொதுச் சேவைகளைப் பாராட்டி, 1998-ல் நாட்டின் இரண்டாவது உயரிய குடிமை விருதான ‘பத்மவிபூஷண்’ வழங்கப்பட்டது. தனது 82-ம் வயதில் 2002 டிசம்பர் 11 அன்று மும்பையில் நானி பல்கிவாலா மரணமடைந்தார். தகுதிகள் இருந்தாலும் பதவிகளை விரும்பாதவர் அவர். 2004-ல் அவரது நினைவுச் சொற்பொழிவில் பேசிய முன்னாள் பிரதமர் அடல் பிகாரி வாஜ்பாய், ‘இந்தியா ஒரு சிறந்த சட்ட அமைச்சரைப் பெறாமல் போய்விட்டது’ என்று கூறினார். சட்ட அமைச்சரை மட்டுமல்ல, நல்ல ஒரு நிதியமைச்சரையும் இந்தியா இழந்துவிட்டது. அவரைப் போல் சட்டத் துறையிலும் பொருளியல் துறையிலும் ஒருசேர நிபுணத்துவம் வாய்ந்தவர்கள் மிக அரிது. – பா.சந்திரசேகரன், பொருளியல் நிபுணர், தொடர்புக்கு: bc.sekaran04@gmail.com https://www.hindutamil.in/news/opinion/columns/537363-nani-palkhivala-3.html Facebook Instagram X-twitter

நானி பல்கிவாலா: நீதித் துறை அறிஞரின் பொருளியல் முகம் Read More »

School Vouchers for RTE Access to Poor Students

School Vouchers for RTE Access to Poor Students School Vouchers for RTE Access to Poor Students Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan January 27, 2020 Public Policy   The issues relating to the RTE Act implementation are becoming predominant year after year and parents are forced to think alternative ways to get quality school education for their children, what is the way forward? Some suggestions are put forward in this concluding part of the series written by B Chandrasekaran, Research Fellow-CPPR.  Major Implementation Challenges Faced by the RTE Act It has been a decade since the RTE Act came into effect. The fact is many states are yet to make it more efficacious. The following are key challenges observed across the country with regards to access to the 25 per cent reservation of admission for children of economically weaker sections in private and unaided schools: Year after year, the number of court litigations concerning availing of 25 per cent reservations in private and unaided schools has been increasing. Parents face the challenges of finding good quality private schools for getting admission for their children; whether it is government or private school, what matters them is quality of education. In some states, the students from economically weaker sections and disadvantaged communities can now only avail a reserved seat in a private school, if there are no government schools in their neighbourhood. This change in the Act leaves a large number of 25 per cent reservation seats unfilled across states. This comes to the advantage of private and unaided schools admitting poor children taking hefty fees from them. Many private and unaided schools complain of not receiving the reimbursement from the Government for 25 per cent reserved seat admission provided to poor children. This undermines the priority of education for poor children. Any delays in reimbursement of the cost of education to private schools mean humiliation and embarrassment to poor children and their parents. There are challenges in getting 25 per cent reservation under the RTE to the CBSE schools across the country. The CBSE schools start admission in the month of April–May but other state board schools start admission in the month of June. Poor children’s parents face a lot of handicaps which have not been carefully looked into by policymakers to fix them even after 10 years of implementation. In states like Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Maharashtra, the admission processes are fully computerised with a lottery system for admission amidst complaints from parents that the list of CBSE schools has not been featuring on the portal for admissions under the RTE Act. In rural areas, poor parents are often not aware of the computerised process of admission; this, in turn, helps private schools for not filling all eligible seats under the RTE. Even the lottery system to allot seats under RTI Act is ludicrous. Oddly, the capacity to implement the RTE Act is still lingering on weak foundations of the school education departments across the country. The states/UTs have to give top priority to augment more resources to increase the capacity to implement the constitutional mandate of the RTE Act. Otherwise, there will be a compelling need to find alternative solutions to provide universal access to primary education for poor children. Thousands of private schools across the country failed to declare the seats under 25 per cent reservation of the RTE Act. The enforcement of the RTE Act and monitoring the implementation process is still weak. The above challenges become predominant year after year and the parents in many states are forced to think alternative ways to get quality school education for their children. The Draft National Education Policy, 2019, has rightly envisaged that a comprehensive and detailed review of the RTE Act…is needed and…the RTE Act may be suitably amended. Further, the draft policy also emphasises that the RTE must focus more on educational outcomes and less on inputs. It must also not have a mechanistic and deterministic approach on inputs and processes of outcomes. School Vouchers: An Antidote Therefore, the way forward for the above issues is to make amendments in the RTE Act on 25 per cent reservation to empower economically poor parents by giving them a school voucher through Direct Benefit Transfer linked with Aadhaar for the amount currently spend as per child reimbursements to private and unaided schools. This will also resolve the major issues of non-filling of seats in private and unaided schools and create competition among schools for providing good quality primary education for all children. We need to fund students directly through their parents, and not schools, by adopting the school voucher model. Thus, the parents, especially women, will be empowered to demand quality school education for their children. Voucher schemes are a form of “demand-side financing” and are specifically targeted at economically poor and low-income groups. Banerjee (2012) noted that “If schools are funded, then the basis and proofs of admission of the 25% remains a challenge. If students are funded, then the challenge is to establish intended usage by children or their parents.” He further pointed out that “Studies have shown that education vouchers do help in enhancing access and quality, especially for the needy families. Further, it introduces more accountability and transparency in all stakeholders: governments, schools and students, thereby raising the quality of governance. Vouchers are extremely helpful in allocating convenience and benefits to citizens at large.” Recent field-level studies have shown that the choices given to parents to select private schools for their children have widened with the mandate of 25 per cent reservation under the RTE Act and girl students were benefited more than the boy students (Damera 2018; Dongre, Ankur, and Karan2018). During the last decade, many states in India have implemented the voucher system for the targeted beneficiaries in healthcare services by collaborating with the Union Government and International agencies. By introducing the voucher system in school education, the school governance system enabled with information technology would ensure universal access to primary school education for children belonging to economically weaker sections of the society. There

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Centenary of Liberal Thinker Nani Palkhivala

Centenary of Liberal Thinker Nani Palkhivala Centenary of Liberal Thinker Nani Palkhivala Nani Palkhivala was a firm believer in individual liberties, free enterprise, responsible government, economic freedom, constitutional morality, and private property rights. Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan January 20, 2020 Indian Liberals In the sensational waves of contemporary debates on the economy, constitution, and facets of liberal democracy, the common threads invariably cut through these fields are rarely packed with thoughts of eminent liberal thinkers like Nani Palkhivala who was one of the greatest sons of twentieth-century India. He was duly credited with many hats to his long and eventful public life with lasting immersions on the people and intellectuals of the country. His life and works have become one such rare embodiment which needs to be reminded for future generations. Alas, the regional media in India does not bother about the contributions of great thinkers like Nani.  Nani Palkhivala’s contributions to the issues of the Indian economy, constitutionalism, and liberal democracy were immensely obliging to the advancement of the Indian subcontinent in the last seventy years. In the second half of the last century, his legacy was unparalleled to none in the above fields. Moreover, his adherence to the ethical values and liberal principles were more than just guiding forces behind his most illustrated public life. He was deeply rooted and a believer in dharma which encompasses as vast as humanity. Nani Palkhivala was a firm believer in individual liberties, free enterprise, responsible government, economic freedom, constitutional morality, and private property rights. This year marks the 100th Birth Anniversary of Nani Ardeshir Palkhivala who was born on 16th January 1920 in Bombay (now Mumbai). He was called Nanabhoy by his parents and Nani Palkhivala or Nani by most others. His family was a humble working class. He completed his school and higher education in Bombay: School education was at Masters Tutorial High School, Masters Degree in English Literature was at St Xavier College in 1942 and a Law Degree in Government Law College was in 1943. He excelled in academic education despite suffering from a dreadful stammer.  Nani Palkhivala became a household name in India for many reasons. He was a prolific writer and orator on many subjects’ especially economic policies, the constitution of India, civil liberties, and fundamental rights of citizens. He also became a Statesman and Ambassador of the USA during the period 1977-79. Many legal luminaries termed him as a rare personality, the living legend, a revered authority of Law and Practice for several decades. He has written numerous books on Tax systems which were sought after even globally. Liberal scholar and Statesman C Rajagopalachari or Rajaji hailed highly that Nani Palkhivala was a country’s gifted liberal legal pundit who saved the Indian democracy from the government’s tyranny of absolute power to amend the constitution’s basic structure.  Nani Palkhivala’s areas of interest in professional public life varied from being a legal expert, academician, and practitioner of constitutional law, and economic policy, literature, poetry to a Statesman who fought for India’s historical cases, individual liberty, private property right, and civil liberties for the poorest of poor peoples’ interests. He is known for winning many legal battles in the interest of citizens’ fundamental rights and economic freedom for free enterprises. He was witness to the best and worst of the country’s odd events that happened soon after the independence and a Republic with the adoption of the Constitution of India.   What made him become a more vocal critic of the government policies and of the ideas behind those policies was the dogmatic thought process which prevailed at that time and was neither rooted in Indian traditions nor convincing with facts and truths of sound logic and reasoning. Hence, much before the political discourse on the economic reforms of the 1990s, Nani Palkhivala had strongly advocated since 1958 that the Indian economy which was wedded to the idea of socialist, command and control model ought to fail sooner or later.  Nani Palkhivala launched a forum to demystify the policies of the government to educate the citizens. He was termed as peoples’ Finance Minister without Portfolio in the Cabinet of India’s Republic! In 1958, he had initiated a public speech in a small hotel room in Bombay to demystify the jargon of Budget of Union Government to citizens in plain language with alternative sound policy solutions to the issues and challenges faced by the country. In the annual post-budget speech organised by Forum for Free Enterprises, Bombay, the audience rose from the tiny size in a hotel room to more than a lakh people in 1994 in open places in Bombay, Delhi, and Calcutta. His eloquent extempore post-budget speeches were much watch-out for the senses and nonsense of the budget announcements filled with humility and always delivered without a single piece of paper for a couple of hours. Among his writings and speeches, two books are widely known for its relevance for decades. The “We, the People” book was published in 1984, with some of his most important speeches and writings over three decades including some of his post-Union Budget analysis. Another book he published in 1994 was “We, the Nation”, which is a companion volume to “We, the People” also has some of his best speeches and writings on different issues and challenges faced by the Indian economy and society at large.    The following are some of his other works which are must-read for all those who wanted to understand the mainstream debate on the Republic of India and its economy and people in the decades prior to major economic reforms of 1990s: The Global Economy, a North-South Dialogue, 1984: Where the North Meets the South, Imperatives for Development in the Global Economy (1985), The People, the Only Keepers of Freedom (1979), The Constitution and the Common Man (1971), India’s Priceless Heritage (1980), Our Constitution Defaced and Defiled (1974), The Highest Taxed Nation (1965), Essential Unity of All Religions (1990) and his magnum opus, The Law and Practice of Income Tax (1950).  In the interest of promoting free-market

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RTE Access to Poor Students: Cases of Four States

RTE Access to Poor Students: Cases of Four States RTE Access to Poor Students: Cases of Four States Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan January 14, 2020 Public Policy This article, second part of the series, written by B Chandrasekaran, Research Fellow-CPPR, gives details about the school admissions under the 25 per cent reservation of the RTE Act in four major states during the academic year 2019–2020 and looks at the reasons for the failure of the implementation of the provision.   B Chandrasekaran The RTE Act, 2009, was one of the landmark laws in primary education. But the implementation of the Act has been facing many challenges across the states in the country, especially the implementation of the provision for 25 per cent reservation in private and unaided schools for children belonging to economically weaker sections. This part discusses the school admissions under 25 per cent reservation of the RTE Act in four major states during the academic year 2019–2020. Click on to read the article Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research https://www.cppr.in/articles/rte-access-to-poor-students-cases-of-four-states   Facebook Instagram X-twitter

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RTE Access to Poor Students: Challenges Faced by the States

RTE Access to Poor Students: Challenges Faced by the States RTE Access to Poor Students: Challenges Faced by the States Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan January 8, 2020 Public Policy   This article, first part of a series, written by B Chandrasekaran, Research Fellow, CPPR, discusses the challenges faced by some of the state governments in implementing the RTE Act and analyses how they have failed to prioritise the needs of primary education of children belonging to economically weaker sections of the society as mandated in the constitutional provision. The following parts will explore alternative ways to ensure universal access to quality primary education to poor children. RTE Act—Inputs vs Outcomes The access to basic education for all children has been a much-discussed subject for more than a century now. The nationalist liberal leader Gopal Krishna Gokhale was the first person in 1910 to envision universal access to free and compulsory primary education for all children. Since then, given the vast diversity of states in India, each has taken varied measures to provide access to primary education according to its disposable resources on priority basis, but still much need to be done. Most of the states, perhaps except Kerala, did not achieve the goal till 2009. The Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act or Right to Education Act (RTE) was enacted on August 4, 2009 by the Indian Parliament to provide universal access to free education for children aged 6–14 years. By enacting the RTE law, India also joined the league of 135 countries to have primary education as Fundamental Rights in the constitutional provision under Article 21A as amended in 2002. RTE came into effect on April 1, 2010 with stipulations to states to have all the necessary resources in place by 2013 to achieve access to free and compulsory primary education for all children aged 6–14 years. Unlike other countries where parents are solely responsible for children’s education, India became the first country with the government being responsible for the enrolment, attendance and completion of primary education of children. Click on to read the article Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research https://www.cppr.in/articles/rte-access-to-poor-students-challenges-faced-by-the-states   Facebook Instagram X-twitter

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VS Srinivasa Sastri – Forgotten Liberal Intellectual – Part 1

VS Srinivasa Sastri – Forgotten Liberal Intellectual – Part 1 VS Srinivasa Sastri – Forgotten Liberal Intellectual – Part 1 VS Srinivasa Sastri was an astute reader and writer who contributed immensely to the reform policies during the freedom movements of British India. He was an acclaimed intellectual who gave long extempore scholarly speeches, lectures and addresses across the British Empire. Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan January 7, 2020 Indian Liberals Editor’s Note: This is the first article in a two-part series paying homage to VS Srinivasa Sastri, the forgotten liberal intellectual of pre-independent India. Read the second part here. In India, the history of liberalism and constitutionalism of the first half of the twentieth century is barely studied. There is hardly any notable liberal economic historian in India either teaching or carrying out academic research on the history of Indian economic thoughts which has been quite dramatically distorted by Marxism and socialism throughout the twentieth century. Alas, the subject of the history of economic thoughts has been long discarded in the Indian mainstream academia as irrelevant. Many great liberal scholars who have contributed significantly to the freedom movements through constitutionalism for advancing the free and liberal society were ignored. It is absurd to observe, that the Indian economists, social and political scientists who persistently ignored the history of economic thoughts subject at a time when the western and other developed economies around the world have been continuously making efforts to revive their history of economic thoughts and building nexus in the contemporary public policy debates. The much talked about two schools of thought namely the right-wing vis-à-vis left-wing narratives of the contemporary debate were first begun exactly hundred years ago in 1919 after the furious differences of opinions among the top leaders of the Indian National Congress on the Montagu reform policies. These two schools of thought as it was evolved called liberalism, constitutionalists and moderates as right-wing and extremism, direct action and revolutionary as left-wing. The former followed classic liberalism of indigenous and some western conservative ideas and the later stood for Fabian socialism and communism. There is a very thin line between socialism and communism. Thus, after independence, the only school of thought which predominately dominated in the Indian academia, political rule and public policy discourse was communism and socialism by ignoring the views of liberal scholars.  Thus, the great liberals like VS Srinivasa Sastri who has contributed significantly to the freedom movements in British India during the first half of the twentieth century were completely ignored and forgotten in the second half of the twentieth century for no good reasons. This year marks 150th birth anniversary of VS Srinivasa Sastri who was contemporary of MG Ranade, GK Gokhale and Mahatma Gandhi among other makers of Modern India. Probably, Sastri was the only person who has traveled as a reputed Statesman and Ambassador for peacekeeping missions across the British Empires to embrace the pragmatic constitutional method for freedom movements and civil liberties. Professor Mohana Ramanan in his book titled “VS Srinivasa Sastri: A Study” (2007) noted that Sastri “made a mark in public life as a liberal, albeit with a conservative cast of mind….almost forgotten figure…Sastri does not come to mind in this context immediately and that is because he did his work largely in councils, legislatures, delegations, and conferences. This is unglamorous works but there has been grudging acceptance of Sastri’s preeminence in our national struggle.” There is no record why his constitutional strives to attain freedom was ignored in the last seven decades. P Kodanda Rao who worked with Sastri for a decade between 1922 to 1932 wrote: “Sastri was an eminent scholar as well as a statesman, he was one of the elects among the great builders of India and the pillars of the Commonwealth.” Rao has written an excellent elaborated political biography of Sastri in 1963 with enormous efforts to study the intellectual contributions spread over 76 years of tireless life of Sastri. Rao has done great justice by documenting the true patriotism of Sastri along with first-rank formidable thinkers of modern India with whom he was associated throughout his life. Though, C Rajagopalachari wrote a Foreword for the book mentioning as Sastri was his friend “but took different channels of political work”. Ray T. Smith who reviewed Rao’s book in the Journal of Asian Studies in 1964 had observed that Rao made “the first serious attempt to accord Sastri a proper place in the history of the Indian national movement.” Sastri was British India’s Rajaji and both were devoted students of the Ramayana with the scholarly critique of it for the pursuit of thoughts and deliberations. VS Srinivasa Sastri was an astute reader and writer who contributed immensely to the reform policies during the freedom movements of British India. He was an acclaimed intellectual who gave long extempore scholarly speeches, lectures and addresses across the British Empire. He was also a versatile and mesmerizing orator and his English skill was marvelously treated as Silver Tongue in British India. Sastri was rated as one of the five best orators in English in the twentieth century among other stalwarts. In 1915, Sastri succeeded Gopala Krishna Gokhale as a liberal intellectual in the Servants of India Society (SIS) which was founded by Gokhale after his demise. SIS played a vital role in freedom movements and constitutionalism method of attaining self-governance in India. Indeed, it was Mahatma Gandhi who aspired to become President of SIS succeeding Gokhale but Gandhi did not agree with all of the core principles of SIS with which Gokhale envisioned to fight for freedom movements in an orderly manner. Hence, Sastri was the natural choice to become President of SIS and remained for 12 years from 1915-1927. Despite their strong opposition in thoughts and political activism, Sastri and Gandhi were close friends throughout their life. VS Srinivasa Sastri’s Life and Education Valangaiman Sankaranarayana Srinivasa Sastri was born on 22nd September 1869 in a village called Valangaiman near Kumbakonam town, Tamil Nadu (then part of Madras Presidency). He was born as a fourth of seven children to his parents, three elder sisters and three younger brothers. His parents

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