Public Policy

BJP Manifesto 2024 Lacks Major Structural Reforms BJP Manifesto 2024 Lacks Major Structural Reforms Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan May 17, 2024 Public Policy The major political parties’ election manifesto provides their approach, thinking, and understanding of the current issues and challenges faced by the economy, society, and geopolitical nexus with national and international scenarios. However, what is apparently missing from both the Congress and BJP election manifestos are the intentions to address the long overdue structural reforms, which are embedded with institutional reforms and have huge potential for positive impacts on the economy, society, and welfare of the people. Most election manifestos’ promises are designed as deceptive ploys for perception changes among voters in general and targeted segments in particular. Bharatiya Janata Party’s 76-page manifesto for the 2024 general elections broadly outlines its intention for the continuity and expansion of its several welfare initiatives of the last decade. The party’s manifesto focuses on key segments like rural areas, youth, farmers, women, and the middle class. The party counters last decade’s performance with that of the decade before 2014, wherein the country faced corruption, policy paralysis, and governance failures by the government of those times. In these fierce debates, there is not much the Congress party can defend itself with since its weaknesses are at multiple levels, from organisational to leadership at national and regional levels. Unlike the Congress Party manifesto, the BJP has largely avoided any upfront freebie announcements in their manifesto. Nevertheless, there is a huge contrast in terms of aspirations of the segments vs the facilities and services available at present for these segments. However, evaluating each of the initiatives of the BJP is inevitable because ascertaining the long-term impacts created has to be done independently. The party might have touched every other aspect of  society and the economy, but the institutionalisation of some of the aspects, like decentralisation and empowering the local bodies, especially the urban local bodies, the party, or the government, has not done much yet. Inadequate institutional reforms lead to a lack of accountability, causing delays and resource wastage year after year for quite a long time. Given the mixed performance in urban and city development initiatives over the last decade, the BJP’s promises to shift the urban landscape towards providing world-class infrastructure and promoting sustainable living are ambitious undertakings. Accomplishing these goals within five years is no small feat and would require significant efforts from the government machinery, particularly in addressing the existing challenges within the local urban governance structure. These challenges include bureaucratic hurdles, rent-seeking practices, inadequate efforts to engage urban communities, a lack of independent evaluations, and the underutilization of technological tools in service delivery. It appears that the BJP’s election manifesto was crafted by individuals or a team with ambitious goals, possibly overlooking the complexities and obstacles inherent in achieving such sweeping changes within the specified timeframe. Despite these challenges, the BJP has promised the following sweeping announcements made in the manifesto, which are impossible to achieve in a matter of few years without decentralisation and institutional reforms for cities’ overall governance systems: 1. Creation of new satellite townships near metro cities across India through a combination of reforms and policy initiatives. 2. Create unified metropolitan transport systems that integrate multi-modal transport facilities and reduce commute time in cities. 3. Create water-secure cities, leveraging best practices for wastewater treatment, aquifer recharge, and smart metering for bulk consumers. 4. Long-term infrastructure projects with centre-state-city partnerships with a vision to revitalise our urban landscapes and enhance the quality of life for our citizens. 5. Develop more green spaces like parks, playgrounds, etc., reviving water bodies and developing natural spaces to make cities more adaptable, sustainable, and people-friendly. 6. Continue eliminating open landfills to manage all kinds of waste being produced in Bharat through ‘The Waste to Wealth Mission’. 7. Undertake the creation of the Digital Urban Land Records System.   8. Work with state governments and cities to encourage them to create a modern set of legislation, by-laws, and urban planning processes using technology.” The central government has to initiate a vibrant public policy dialogue with state governments and local governments for effective implementation of each of the above aspects of bringing about transformational changes in the urban landscape. Moreover, without institutional and decentralised reforms to empower the urban local bodies to deliver social, physical and digital infrastructure, the BJP’s following promises would end up in a nightmare in years to come: “We have initiated metro in 20+ cities over the past decade; we will expand the metro network in major urban centres, ensuring last mile connectivity…We will construct ring roads around major cities to improve mobility and decongest cities…effective use of PM Gatishakti National Master Plan. We will undertake the creation of the Digital Urban Land Records System. We will work with state governments and cities to encourage them to create a modern set of legislation, by-laws and urban planning processes using technology.” However, the BJP party manifesto assures that “we will undertake more institutional reforms and simplify processes using technology to ensure that citizen-government interaction is significantly improved,”  but it is not all that easy to do urban governance reforms without learning from the past. Any government, whether central, state or local, has to first recognise the facts of what went wrong for all these years in terms of the inadequate delivery of services and facilities that the people have demanded and the rise of aspirations. also, it is strange that even after a quarter century, the major political parties are not openly advocating implementing the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in true letter and spirit on not just the funds and functions but reasonable administrative and execution autonomy. The BJP’s promises should have been more substantive on concrete steps for decentralisation and institutional reforms rather than the currently proposed several bunch of guarantees with overambitious minimum governance guarantees at the local body level. The party has promised to “take further steps to facilitate the fiscal autonomy and sustainability of Panchayati Raj Institutions.” While these institutions are already distanced from

Same old slogans and appeasement politics in congress manifesto Same old Slogans and Appeasement Politics in Congress Manifesto Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan April 30, 2024 Public Policy The Indian National Congress Party recently released its 48-page manifesto, titled “Nyay Patra,” for the general elections of 2024. As we examine the manifesto, it’s apparent that the party has adhered to traditional formats reminiscent of past manifestos. The Nyay Patra is a mix of old rhetoric and questionable policy directions that raise serious concerns.The manifesto’s overarching theme seems rooted in the party’s traditional approach to governance, prioritising welfare schemes over robust economic growth strategies and development-driven governance. While the intention to uplift the socio-economically disadvantaged is noble, the reliance on handouts and appeasement politics may not address the root causes of poverty and inequality. There is room for a broader perspective that encompasses not just wealth distribution but also strategies for wealth creation and equitable growth.Instead of focusing on institutional reforms to strengthen the nation’s governance framework, the manifesto appears to propagate a divide-and-rule mentality, emphasising identity-based politics rather than inclusive nation-building. This is evident in the party’s insistence on long-standing minority appeasement policies, which risk perpetuating social divisions rather than fostering genuine integration. (Refer to pages of 4, 6, 7, and 11 of the Congress Manifesto-2024 on Equity, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities).Furthermore, the manifesto’s lack of emphasis on economic reforms and job creation reflects a worrying disconnect from the realities of the global economy. The proposal to create three million government jobs without addressing the need for a conducive environment for private sector growth is shortsighted and could exacerbate fiscal pressures. The manifesto’s failure to address the dynamics of Indian labour markets, particularly in sectors like rural-based agriculture, allied activities, and urban development, is a glaring oversight. Southern and Western states, which are relatively more developed, already face a significant shortage of semi-skilled and skilled manpower across sectors. Moreover, historical evidence highlights the adverse effects of artificial wage increases under schemes like MGNREGA, contributing to inflationary pressures. Despite these well-documented challenges, the Congress Party’s manifesto fails to learn from past failures, reflecting a lack of foresight and concrete developmental focuses.Additionally, the manifesto overlooks emerging challenges such as technological disruption and the need for digital infrastructure development. Amidst a dynamic technological revolution reshaping social and economic landscapes, the Congress Party’s manifesto appears disconnected from emerging realities. The traditional social stigma of caste dominance, which is gradually fading, remains unaddressed on the party’s agenda. The market process has the potential to mitigate caste-based disparities by ensuring equitable access to essential services and opportunities, yet the manifesto fails to recognise this transformative potential.Furthermore, the party’s oversight of emerging growth centres and the pressing need for world-class social and economic infrastructure underscore a lack of vision for rural-urban transformations. However, this aspect seems overlooked in the party’s agenda While some initiatives outlined in the manifesto, such as enhancing institutional credit to SC and ST for home-building, starting businesses, and purchasing assets, providing sports scholarships of Rs 10,000 per month for talented and budding sportspersons, and introducing reforms in industrial and labour laws, deserve recognition, they are overshadowed by the overall lack of vision and strategic direction.Moreover, it is crucial for the manifesto to outline concrete strategies for key areas such as constitutional reforms, judiciary strengthening, anti-corruption measures, and environmental protection. Emphasising national security, including measures to counter terrorism, should also be a priority. Lip service paid to these concerns without concrete action plans undermines the credibility of the document and the party’s commitment to effective governance.It’s worth noting that the Congress Party’s manifesto reflects an activist approach rather than embodying the maturity expected of a longstanding political party’s document. While the manifesto outlines several initiatives, some of its proposals, which are listed below, raise concerns: 2024 Congress Manifesto Promises Consequences Caste Census     In 21st-century India, the caste census is not the first principle for empowering the different communities. Unlike in the past, today we have many better ways of empowering the underprivileged communities in India through more decentralization, community participation, and blended technological use in the delivery of services and facilities. We must learn from history how we must not use poor people with caste tags as the only tool to woo them for anything but for vote sake. To raise the 50% cap on reservations for SC, ST and OBC   The rise of reservation caps cannot be the only solution but better quality of education and facilitating productive employment opportunities are actual empowerment for communities. Reservation of 10% in jobs and educational institutions for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) will be implemented for all castes and communities without discrimination    This is a very vague promise. Stating “all castes and communities without discrimination” does not make any sense. Without improvements in the quality of education affirmative action measures will not achieve the desired goals even after a few decades.   Reservation in private educational institutions for SC, ST, and OBC   This is a very dangerous promise that will destroy the freedom of enterprises and economic freedom that we have unleashed after the 1991 reforms. Whatever the quality of education is found in the private educational institutions will be faced with grave situations for undermining the quality. Public Procurement Policy will be expanded to award more public works contracts to contractors belonging to the SC and ST communities.    This has not helped the targeted communities for decades. From these same communities, there are enterprises that are supplying goods and services to world-class projects with high quality and innovations in the products. Economic empowerment of minorities is a necessary step for India to realise its full potential  Without improving the quality of education to the communities including minorities, the promise of economic empowerment will not be feasible. The Rajasthan Model of cashless insurance up to Rs. 25 lakhs will be adopted for universal healthcare.    This promise for entire country coverage would not be feasible given the fiscal constraints faced already. However, the promise can be targeted at the needy people like the elderly population

Kerala Budget 2023 Kerala Budget 2023 Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan March 20, 2023 Public Policy   The Kerala Budget for the year 2023-24 aims to “improve the standard of living of the people and create a sustainable and modern ‘Nava Kerala’ (New Kerala).” The state says that in the past year, more than one lakh new enterprises have been launched in Kerala. The state is also striving to achieve a higher economic growth rate in the current financial year. Since the state has a large segment of elderly population, with aged 60 years and above comprising16.50% in 2021 and it is projected to increase to 20% by 2031. With this large aged population, ensuring social safety would be an enormous challenge given the constraints of state finance. It is predicted that very soon Kerala may become the highest dependency-population ratio state in the country. Most youth in Kerala either migrate to other states or immigrate to other countries either for education or for employment as the prospects for fulfilling their aspirations are limited within the state. Kerala’s economy grew by 12.01% GSDP in 2021-2022. For the first time in recent history, the state agriculture-allied sector and industry-allied sector have achieved a growth rate of 6.7% and 17.3% respectively. Within the industrial sector, an impressive growth rate of 18.9% has been achieved in the manufacturing sector due to the low level of the base in the previous year. Though there is a marginal increase in its own tax revenue but the exorbitant increase in the Kerala government’s committed expenditures like employee salary and pension liabilities pose serious threats to the state budget, leaving not much for the welfare of the state for long-term assets creation through capital expenditure. Capital expenditure allocation for 2023-24 is proposed to be INR 14,606 crore, a decrease of 2% over the revised estimate of 2022-23.  In 2020-21, INR 46,754 crore was incurred as expenditure for salary and pension benefits. It has further increased to INR 71,393 crore in 2021-22, which is an increase of INR 24,639 crores and an increase of 53%. As per actual expenditure, 81% of revenue receipts was spent towards committed expenditure in 2021-22, leaving only 19% of funds for development projects/schemes. Further, Kerala’s committed expenditure is expected to increase by 5% over the revised estimate of 2022-23. In 2023-24, Kerala is estimated to spend INR 94,649 crore on committed expenditure, which is 70% of its estimated revenue receipts. This comprises spending on salaries (30% of revenue receipts), pension (21%), and interest payments (19%). According to RBI Report (2022), Kerala state is one of the highest debt burdens based on the debt-GSDP ratio in 2020-21. It is one of the top 10 states with fiscal vulnerability in the country. The growing revenue deficit would be worrisome for the state economy. Kerala’s revenue deficit is estimated to be 2.1% of GSDP (INR 23,942 crore) in 2023-24, marginally higher than the revised estimates of 2% of GSDP for 2022-23. Though, the revenue deficit is expected to be lower than the budget estimate with 2.3% of GSDP in 2022-23. The fiscal deficit for 2023-24 is targeted at 3.5% of GSDP (INR 39,662 crore), which is the highest limit prescribed by the Union Government for states. In 2022-23, as per the revised estimates, the fiscal deficit is expected to be 3.6% of GSDP, marginally lower than the budget estimate of 3.9% of GSDP.  Kerala Budget 2023-24 announced to increase in revenue augmentation in stamp duties, electricity duty, and taxes on vehicles will all be increased. Property tax and royalty on minor minerals will also be revised for revenue augmentation to bridge the shortfall of revenues. A Social Security Cess of INR 2 per litre will be charged on liquor, petrol, and diesel to generate revenue of INR 1,150 crore and will be used for the Social Security Seed Fund.The Kerala budget has also announced a few interesting initiatives like Life Science Park and 3 Digital Sciences Parks, which will be a major boost to the state with an investment of INR1000 crores for the promotion of higher education. While one could see the State Budget largely blames the Union Government for various aspects like low state share of tax, etc., Kerala’s budget for 2023-24 has actually been inspired by the Government of India’s Make in India announcement of “Make in Kerala” through which the state aims “to increase domestic production, employment/entrepreneur/investment opportunities in Kerala”. The Budget also announced sponsoring 100 research students for short-term fellowship projects in international universities across the globe. To implement ‘Make in Kerala’, the state has done a scientific study to find ways to pursue it. A study by the Centre for Development Studies found that “Kerala imported products worth around INR1,28,000 crore in 2021-2022. Out of this, 92% was from other states. During this period, the state’s exports were around INR74,000 crore. Out of this, 70% was to other states. From this, it has to be understood that the trade deficit of Kerala is very high. In this context, the study aims to find out the imported products which can be produced locally.”   However, the state should take cautious steps and promote the production of goods within the state through ‘Make in Kerala’ only if the state has comparative advantages on essential resources over other states, both in terms of cost of production and its capability to scale up. Otherwise, it would not able to mark any difference even if the specific profitable products are promising in a short-term period. Institutional structure and means of financing large investments from the private sector are weak in the state. There is a poor nexus among factors of production across different sectors in the Kerala economy. Though, it is quite interesting that the state has mentioned in its budget that “there has been a huge boom in the infrastructure development sector in Kerala. Construction activities for a length of 1931 km worth around INR 1,33,000 crore including National Highway 66 and other National Highways are progressing at various stages.”  The urban population of Kerala is about 70% but the civic facilities and

New Guidelines bets on APJ Abdul Kalam’s Bio-Digester Technologies for decentralised solutions to manage sewage wastewater in Tamil Nadu New Guidelines bets on APJ Abdul Kalam’s Bio-Digester Technologies for decentralised solutions to manage sewage wastewater in Tamil Nadu Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan March 15, 2023 Public Policy   The changing public policies related to waste management has been widespread across states in India including Tamil Nadu. The government authorities were always urged to recognise the increasing pollution issues and diseases caused by it to find effective technological solutions. Sewage pollution poses multi-pronged challenges with the spread of diseases and it is a menace that continues to proliferate in rural and urban centres which are called growth centres attracting billions of new investments. Of late, Tamil Nadu has received some attention in this regard.  The state has more than 50% of its population living in urban areas which is the highest in the country. Recently, the state government notified the new “Septage Management Regulation & Operative Guidelines” on January 1, 2023, advocating many interesting new technologies for effectively managing the sewage wastewater challenges in the state. Further, the state government also framed the Tamil Nadu Urban Local Bodies and Chennai Metropolitan Area Septage Management (Regulation) Rules, 2022 which was notified to take effect from January 1, 2023. The new Septage Management Regulations and Operative Guidelines emphasis the removal of septage from unsewered areas in existing buildings, regulation of sewage tanker lorries operating in the local bodies with fixing GPS to track them, monitoring to prevent illegal discharge of sewage and to protect the water bodies from pollution. Although, the new Guidelines do not increase the penalties for violation and illegal transportation of sewage by taker lorries. However, it is imperative that the Greater Chennai Corporation, Chennai Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board and the Department of Municipal Administration and Water Supply, and also the Director of Town Panchayat covering all local bodies have to implement the above guidelines strictly to save the water bodies which are facing severe threats of sewage pollution and thereby outbreak of diseases.Sewage management has two broad challenges: (1) what happens after toilet-use? (2) Where does all the toilet wastewater go? Toilets are either connected to the underground sewer (off-site sanitation system) or pit latrines or septic tanks (on-site sanitation system) from which the sewage wastewater is transported through tanker lorries to the common sewage treatment plants. Eventually, all sewage ends up polluting the groundwater, waterbodies, river, agricultural land, etc.  According to the new Guidelines, every building owner must construct a septic tank or have such on-site sanitation septic tank system. The new Guidelines identify the DRDO Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology as one of the best technologies to process toilet wastewater organically and in a decentralised system within the septic tank itself and produce clean water which can be used for irrigation like gardening or groundwater recharge and prevent pollution.The new Guideline’s Technical Options for Toilets Under SBM (Urban) identifies the Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology for toilet wastewater treatment with organic bacteria called Inoculum through the scientific method of Anaerobic digestor – developed by DRDO. This Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology of DRDO was developed by a team of scientists under the guidance of APJ Abdul Kalam when he was the Chairman of DRDO during the period from 1992-1997.APJ Abdul Kalam advocated the NIP-IT-AT-THE-BUD concept for all sewage pollution with a one-stop solution where the sewage is generated. The DRDO Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology was opened to the public in 2013 through the Transfer of Technology after decades of successful implementation by the Indian Army in the remote hilly areas as well as in sub-zero temperatures of the Himalayan region. Tamil Nadu was the first state to get the license of the DRDO Technology with private sector support (MAK India Limited, a long-time technology associate of DRDO and known as indigenous technology developer since 1973) and has been supplying bio-digester septic tanks in a readymade system for different models and  different sectors across South India. The Government of Tamil Nadu for the first time recognises in its official policy, new Guidelines, and regulatory system that DRDO’s Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology is widely used to provide 80% treatment of wastewater from Individual Household Latrine (IHHL), household clusters or institutional buildings where there is no sewerage network, the effluent should be passed through a reed bed or soak pit before discharge, and for soak pits to function soil conditions must be suitable for infiltration of effluent from septic tanks. As per the new Guidelines, “a simple type of treatment system by combining a septic tank and a soak pit, or a biodigester toilet (aerobic and anaerobic)” methods can be constructed in new buildings for onsite toilet wastewater management for sustainable solutions. Further, the new Guidelines mention that: As per the Guidelines, the key advantages of a DRDO Bio-digester septic tank are – 1) There is no sludge formation, there is no need for de-sludging and treatment. It is therefore more economical in the long-term as it conserves water and has minimum O&M; 2) Night soil degradation occurs through microbial reaction which converts it into biogas and odourless water; 3) DRDO Technology is environmentally friendly, maintenance-free, efficient and does not depend on conventional energy sources; 4) Permits use of toilet cleansing agents; 5) Suitable for mobile and stationary platforms; 6) Lifelong usage of bio-digester tank does not need recharging, re-shifting, or maintenance; 7) More cost effective than conventional toilets; 8) Easy to transport and install; 9) One-third to one-fourth capacity of a septic tank as compared to the conventional septic tank; and 10) Space requirement is less. The DRDO Bio Digester septic tank is most suitable for all water-deficient areas and drought-prone blocks and districts in the state.During the last two years, the current state government in Tamil Nadu has brought out many novel policies and regulations, and schemes in the areas of cities and towns towards clean and green for ease of living for all. Alas, many of these new programmes and schemes were not implemented effectively to reach the intended

ICSSR-funded Social Science Research lacks Perspective ICSSR-funded Social Science Research lacks Perspective Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan September 29, 2022 Public Policy Independent India’s founding fathers and mothers had envisioned that any social science research institution’s efforts and its outcomes should reflect the ground realities and struggles of the people, translating into public policy debates to improve living standards across strata.The institutions are paramount pillars for making the right kind of social science research efforts with pertinent research questions to gauge the ground-level challenges faced in society at national, regional, and villages/town levels. This in turn helps to firm up the societal issues which are involved and imperative to make the right kind of policy changes with targeted segments.Soon after independence, successive governments’ set up several national-level institutions to help the government in different capacities to frame public policies. According to J.P. Naik (who as Member-Secretary wrote roles, responsibilities, functions, programmes, & organisation of the Indian Council of Social Science Research [ICSSR] in 1971), the new institutions were entrusted  “to bring about a planned reconstruction of our society…help to provide better insights into our social problems and their solutions…”. One such premier institution in the country is the ICSSR established in 1969. It has been more than 50 years now and the institute still dominates as the major source of funding for academic research of more than two dozen research institutions/centres and thousands of faculty across the country serviced by six regional centres. The coverage of social sciences disciplines has also widened for the larger goal of knowledge sharing, dispersion, and dissemination.These apex institutions were funded out of taxpayers’ money to be part of the overall growth and development of the country as well as bringing about tangible changes in the citizens’ lives with basic services and facilities through policy shifts.At the international level, in the “Scopus database, India is ranked at 7th position for its social science publications and its share in global publications is nearly 4.25% whereas in Science & Technology publications, India is ranked at 3rd place and its share is around 7%”. It is the qualitative aspects that make a difference in the research outcomes in the basic sciences as opposed to the social sciences in India. However, the issues of quality have become a major concern in the studies and projects funded by the ICSSR both from academic and public policy perspectives. Broadly, the apex institute provides two types of funding such as minor and major projects which range from less than one year for the former and one to two years for the latter.  Other agencies like the University Grants Commission, state governments, and various departments of Union ministries also provide grants for social science research.Issues regarding funding constraints of social science think tanks such as the Chennai-based MIDS, highlighting a steady decline in support for policy-based research, have been highlighted by many. But ICSSR’s decisions are based on well-thought-out parameters. During the last 52 years, “the ICSSR has granted 6,793 Major, Minor and Collaborative Research Projects… provided financial assistance to 1,853 scholars for publication of their Doctoral Theses/Projects/Fellowship Reports/Conference Proceedings, financially supported 1,008 social science journals and 374 professional associations involved in social science research activities,” reports the ICSSR’s Annual Report for 2020-21.It is interesting to see that the apex institution has reported that it has “granted” the projects instead of “completed” them because about 20% of funded projects were not completed on time and about 7% of funded projects (451) were cancelled. During 2016-17 and 2017-18, around 23% or 108 projects and 31% or 112 projects were still not completed respectively. Being an apex institute, the functions of the ICSSR are being questioned from academic and contemporary public policy perspectives for the relevance and contexts in which the studies are conducted, the methodological approaches, sample size, the authenticity of primary surveys’ etc.There have also been incidents of lack of accountability and transparency which have been highlighted in the institution’s audit reports, but strangely those have been ignored for several years now. For instance, on the audit report presented in the ICSSR’s Annual Report of 2017-18, the CAG of India had flagged discrepancies in accounts statements. Often the disbursements of funds were found to be opaque. Further, the CAG audit had asked the apex institute to do complete accounting of all of its financial transactions both at the New Delhi office and all its regional offices “since 2009-10 but remedial action has not been taken.” Therefore, the complete accounts statements for the financial year 2017-18 were not done. Several review committees of ICSSR institutes that have time and again recommended improving the governance structure, quality of research outcomes, and independent evaluation of completed research reports for policy implications have been ignored.For instance, the 4th review committee report of the ICSSR, submitted in 2007, emphasised that the “quality of social science research output, its contribution to improving our understanding of socio-economic processes, and to the shaping of public policy, have fallen short of expectations.” Similarly, another review committee in 2011 stressed the governance of ICSSR, quality of research reports, etc. The Department of Secondary and Higher Education, Union Ministry of Education has provided grants to ICSSR of Rs.109.90 crore in 2020-21, Rs.133.06 crores in 2019-20, Rs.124.58 crore in 2018-19, Rs.189.2 crore in 2016-17, Rs.171.72 crore in 2015-16 and Rs.164.97 crores in 2014-15. Thus, the total grants have been steadily falling over since 2014-15.The ICSSR has launched a new research funding scheme called “Impactful Policy Research in Social Science” (IMPRESS) which aims to provide a research-based roadmap to address policy challenges of society and consequently the social science research landscape. The new scheme was launched in 2018 with a fund outlay of Rs.414 crore for a three-year period. The key thematic areas covered under this scheme are quite different from the usual areas funded by the ICSSR.So far, two sets of studies were provided with financial support. In the first and second tranches of projects, Tamil Nadu  got the maximum number of projects in the country. About 20% of research applications received (677) in the second tranche were from Tamil Nadu which was

Skills for Atmanirbhartha Skills for Atmanirbhartha Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan September 2, 2022 Public Policy Piecemeal efforts For years, the governments have made piecemeal efforts to empower youth with skills. For instance, ₹3,000 crore has been allocated in the Union Budget 2021-22 to “realign the existing scheme of National Apprenticeship Training Scheme (NATS) for providing post-education apprenticeship, training of graduates and diploma holders in Engineering.” This piecemeal approach restricts apprenticeship to only engineering stream and not to others.Further, the Union Ministry of Skills Development and Entrepreneurship has launched the third version of Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana recently to impart skills development to over 8 lakh persons in 2020-21 and allocated ₹948.9 crore. One lacuna of the scheme is its excessive reliance on District Skills Development Committee, chaired by District Collector, whowould not be able to prioritise this role, given other assignments. The National Skill Development Agency (NSDA), created in 2013, essentially for resolving the inter-ministerial and inter-departmental issues and avoiding duplications of skills development efforts of the Union Government, has been now subsumed as part of the National Council for Vocational Training (NCVT). This reflects not only discontinuity in policy process, but also obfuscation among policy makers.The UN’s Human Development Report-2020 found that in India only 21.1 per cent of the labour force was skilled in 2010-2019. According to a 2019 study by the National Skills Development Corporation (NSDC), 7 crore additional people in 15-59 age-group are expected to enter the labour force by 2023, of which 5.9 crore or 84.3 per cent will be in the age group 15-30 years, and half of this are expected to come from the age cohort of 15-20 years. The number of expected entrants is projected to peak to 1.29 crore in 2023 alone. Six States alone (Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka) account for 50 per cent (about 3 crores) of the new youth entrants (15-30 years). Given the sheer magnitude of youth to be skilled, it is paramount that the policy efforts are adequate in all respects.The New Education Policy emphasises on integration of vocational and formal education both at school and higher education levels. A pilot ‘hub-n-spoke’ model is being implemented in two States where an ITI will become a ‘hub’ for providing training to 5-7 adjoining schools. This is a good beginning which should mark the end of the artificial separation between the formal and vocational.Hence, we really need to start working at school level, be it private or government, and create an institutional framework with holistic approach towards of development skills and competences. For achieving an Atmanirbhar Bharat, all the skilling efforts need to be brought under one platform to eliminate silos and duplications. A sturdy institutional framework with practical and real pathways to change course between mainstream and vocational programmes needs to be made. Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research.  Facebook Instagram X-twitter