Public Policy

BJP Manifesto 2024 Lacks Major Structural Reforms BJP Manifesto 2024 Lacks Major Structural Reforms Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan May 17, 2024 Public Policy The major political parties’ election manifesto provides their approach, thinking, and understanding of the current issues and challenges faced by the economy, society, and geopolitical nexus with national and international scenarios. However, what is apparently missing from both the Congress and BJP election manifestos are the intentions to address the long overdue structural reforms, which are embedded with institutional reforms and have huge potential for positive impacts on the economy, society, and welfare of the people. Most election manifestos’ promises are designed as deceptive ploys for perception changes among voters in general and targeted segments in particular. Bharatiya Janata Party’s 76-page manifesto for the 2024 general elections broadly outlines its intention for the continuity and expansion of its several welfare initiatives of the last decade. The party’s manifesto focuses on key segments like rural areas, youth, farmers, women, and the middle class. The party counters last decade’s performance with that of the decade before 2014, wherein the country faced corruption, policy paralysis, and governance failures by the government of those times. In these fierce debates, there is not much the Congress party can defend itself with since its weaknesses are at multiple levels, from organisational to leadership at national and regional levels. Unlike the Congress Party manifesto, the BJP has largely avoided any upfront freebie announcements in their manifesto. Nevertheless, there is a huge contrast in terms of aspirations of the segments vs the facilities and services available at present for these segments. However, evaluating each of the initiatives of the BJP is inevitable because ascertaining the long-term impacts created has to be done independently. The party might have touched every other aspect of  society and the economy, but the institutionalisation of some of the aspects, like decentralisation and empowering the local bodies, especially the urban local bodies, the party, or the government, has not done much yet. Inadequate institutional reforms lead to a lack of accountability, causing delays and resource wastage year after year for quite a long time. Given the mixed performance in urban and city development initiatives over the last decade, the BJP’s promises to shift the urban landscape towards providing world-class infrastructure and promoting sustainable living are ambitious undertakings. Accomplishing these goals within five years is no small feat and would require significant efforts from the government machinery, particularly in addressing the existing challenges within the local urban governance structure. These challenges include bureaucratic hurdles, rent-seeking practices, inadequate efforts to engage urban communities, a lack of independent evaluations, and the underutilization of technological tools in service delivery. It appears that the BJP’s election manifesto was crafted by individuals or a team with ambitious goals, possibly overlooking the complexities and obstacles inherent in achieving such sweeping changes within the specified timeframe. Despite these challenges, the BJP has promised the following sweeping announcements made in the manifesto, which are impossible to achieve in a matter of few years without decentralisation and institutional reforms for cities’ overall governance systems: 1. Creation of new satellite townships near metro cities across India through a combination of reforms and policy initiatives. 2. Create unified metropolitan transport systems that integrate multi-modal transport facilities and reduce commute time in cities. 3. Create water-secure cities, leveraging best practices for wastewater treatment, aquifer recharge, and smart metering for bulk consumers. 4. Long-term infrastructure projects with centre-state-city partnerships with a vision to revitalise our urban landscapes and enhance the quality of life for our citizens. 5. Develop more green spaces like parks, playgrounds, etc., reviving water bodies and developing natural spaces to make cities more adaptable, sustainable, and people-friendly. 6. Continue eliminating open landfills to manage all kinds of waste being produced in Bharat through ‘The Waste to Wealth Mission’. 7. Undertake the creation of the Digital Urban Land Records System.   8. Work with state governments and cities to encourage them to create a modern set of legislation, by-laws, and urban planning processes using technology.” The central government has to initiate a vibrant public policy dialogue with state governments and local governments for effective implementation of each of the above aspects of bringing about transformational changes in the urban landscape. Moreover, without institutional and decentralised reforms to empower the urban local bodies to deliver social, physical and digital infrastructure, the BJP’s following promises would end up in a nightmare in years to come: “We have initiated metro in 20+ cities over the past decade; we will expand the metro network in major urban centres, ensuring last mile connectivity…We will construct ring roads around major cities to improve mobility and decongest cities…effective use of PM Gatishakti National Master Plan. We will undertake the creation of the Digital Urban Land Records System. We will work with state governments and cities to encourage them to create a modern set of legislation, by-laws and urban planning processes using technology.” However, the BJP party manifesto assures that “we will undertake more institutional reforms and simplify processes using technology to ensure that citizen-government interaction is significantly improved,”  but it is not all that easy to do urban governance reforms without learning from the past. Any government, whether central, state or local, has to first recognise the facts of what went wrong for all these years in terms of the inadequate delivery of services and facilities that the people have demanded and the rise of aspirations. also, it is strange that even after a quarter century, the major political parties are not openly advocating implementing the 73rd and 74th Constitutional Amendments in true letter and spirit on not just the funds and functions but reasonable administrative and execution autonomy. The BJP’s promises should have been more substantive on concrete steps for decentralisation and institutional reforms rather than the currently proposed several bunch of guarantees with overambitious minimum governance guarantees at the local body level. The party has promised to “take further steps to facilitate the fiscal autonomy and sustainability of Panchayati Raj Institutions.” While these institutions are already distanced from

Same old slogans and appeasement politics in congress manifesto Same old Slogans and Appeasement Politics in Congress Manifesto Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan April 30, 2024 Public Policy The Indian National Congress Party recently released its 48-page manifesto, titled “Nyay Patra,” for the general elections of 2024. As we examine the manifesto, it’s apparent that the party has adhered to traditional formats reminiscent of past manifestos. The Nyay Patra is a mix of old rhetoric and questionable policy directions that raise serious concerns.The manifesto’s overarching theme seems rooted in the party’s traditional approach to governance, prioritising welfare schemes over robust economic growth strategies and development-driven governance. While the intention to uplift the socio-economically disadvantaged is noble, the reliance on handouts and appeasement politics may not address the root causes of poverty and inequality. There is room for a broader perspective that encompasses not just wealth distribution but also strategies for wealth creation and equitable growth.Instead of focusing on institutional reforms to strengthen the nation’s governance framework, the manifesto appears to propagate a divide-and-rule mentality, emphasising identity-based politics rather than inclusive nation-building. This is evident in the party’s insistence on long-standing minority appeasement policies, which risk perpetuating social divisions rather than fostering genuine integration. (Refer to pages of 4, 6, 7, and 11 of the Congress Manifesto-2024 on Equity, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities).Furthermore, the manifesto’s lack of emphasis on economic reforms and job creation reflects a worrying disconnect from the realities of the global economy. The proposal to create three million government jobs without addressing the need for a conducive environment for private sector growth is shortsighted and could exacerbate fiscal pressures. The manifesto’s failure to address the dynamics of Indian labour markets, particularly in sectors like rural-based agriculture, allied activities, and urban development, is a glaring oversight. Southern and Western states, which are relatively more developed, already face a significant shortage of semi-skilled and skilled manpower across sectors. Moreover, historical evidence highlights the adverse effects of artificial wage increases under schemes like MGNREGA, contributing to inflationary pressures. Despite these well-documented challenges, the Congress Party’s manifesto fails to learn from past failures, reflecting a lack of foresight and concrete developmental focuses.Additionally, the manifesto overlooks emerging challenges such as technological disruption and the need for digital infrastructure development. Amidst a dynamic technological revolution reshaping social and economic landscapes, the Congress Party’s manifesto appears disconnected from emerging realities. The traditional social stigma of caste dominance, which is gradually fading, remains unaddressed on the party’s agenda. The market process has the potential to mitigate caste-based disparities by ensuring equitable access to essential services and opportunities, yet the manifesto fails to recognise this transformative potential.Furthermore, the party’s oversight of emerging growth centres and the pressing need for world-class social and economic infrastructure underscore a lack of vision for rural-urban transformations. However, this aspect seems overlooked in the party’s agenda While some initiatives outlined in the manifesto, such as enhancing institutional credit to SC and ST for home-building, starting businesses, and purchasing assets, providing sports scholarships of Rs 10,000 per month for talented and budding sportspersons, and introducing reforms in industrial and labour laws, deserve recognition, they are overshadowed by the overall lack of vision and strategic direction.Moreover, it is crucial for the manifesto to outline concrete strategies for key areas such as constitutional reforms, judiciary strengthening, anti-corruption measures, and environmental protection. Emphasising national security, including measures to counter terrorism, should also be a priority. Lip service paid to these concerns without concrete action plans undermines the credibility of the document and the party’s commitment to effective governance.It’s worth noting that the Congress Party’s manifesto reflects an activist approach rather than embodying the maturity expected of a longstanding political party’s document. While the manifesto outlines several initiatives, some of its proposals, which are listed below, raise concerns: 2024 Congress Manifesto Promises Consequences Caste Census     In 21st-century India, the caste census is not the first principle for empowering the different communities. Unlike in the past, today we have many better ways of empowering the underprivileged communities in India through more decentralization, community participation, and blended technological use in the delivery of services and facilities. We must learn from history how we must not use poor people with caste tags as the only tool to woo them for anything but for vote sake. To raise the 50% cap on reservations for SC, ST and OBC   The rise of reservation caps cannot be the only solution but better quality of education and facilitating productive employment opportunities are actual empowerment for communities. Reservation of 10% in jobs and educational institutions for Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) will be implemented for all castes and communities without discrimination    This is a very vague promise. Stating “all castes and communities without discrimination” does not make any sense. Without improvements in the quality of education affirmative action measures will not achieve the desired goals even after a few decades.   Reservation in private educational institutions for SC, ST, and OBC   This is a very dangerous promise that will destroy the freedom of enterprises and economic freedom that we have unleashed after the 1991 reforms. Whatever the quality of education is found in the private educational institutions will be faced with grave situations for undermining the quality. Public Procurement Policy will be expanded to award more public works contracts to contractors belonging to the SC and ST communities.    This has not helped the targeted communities for decades. From these same communities, there are enterprises that are supplying goods and services to world-class projects with high quality and innovations in the products. Economic empowerment of minorities is a necessary step for India to realise its full potential  Without improving the quality of education to the communities including minorities, the promise of economic empowerment will not be feasible. The Rajasthan Model of cashless insurance up to Rs. 25 lakhs will be adopted for universal healthcare.    This promise for entire country coverage would not be feasible given the fiscal constraints faced already. However, the promise can be targeted at the needy people like the elderly population

Kerala Budget 2023 Kerala Budget 2023 Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan March 20, 2023 Public Policy   The Kerala Budget for the year 2023-24 aims to “improve the standard of living of the people and create a sustainable and modern ‘Nava Kerala’ (New Kerala).” The state says that in the past year, more than one lakh new enterprises have been launched in Kerala. The state is also striving to achieve a higher economic growth rate in the current financial year. Since the state has a large segment of elderly population, with aged 60 years and above comprising16.50% in 2021 and it is projected to increase to 20% by 2031. With this large aged population, ensuring social safety would be an enormous challenge given the constraints of state finance. It is predicted that very soon Kerala may become the highest dependency-population ratio state in the country. Most youth in Kerala either migrate to other states or immigrate to other countries either for education or for employment as the prospects for fulfilling their aspirations are limited within the state. Kerala’s economy grew by 12.01% GSDP in 2021-2022. For the first time in recent history, the state agriculture-allied sector and industry-allied sector have achieved a growth rate of 6.7% and 17.3% respectively. Within the industrial sector, an impressive growth rate of 18.9% has been achieved in the manufacturing sector due to the low level of the base in the previous year. Though there is a marginal increase in its own tax revenue but the exorbitant increase in the Kerala government’s committed expenditures like employee salary and pension liabilities pose serious threats to the state budget, leaving not much for the welfare of the state for long-term assets creation through capital expenditure. Capital expenditure allocation for 2023-24 is proposed to be INR 14,606 crore, a decrease of 2% over the revised estimate of 2022-23.  In 2020-21, INR 46,754 crore was incurred as expenditure for salary and pension benefits. It has further increased to INR 71,393 crore in 2021-22, which is an increase of INR 24,639 crores and an increase of 53%. As per actual expenditure, 81% of revenue receipts was spent towards committed expenditure in 2021-22, leaving only 19% of funds for development projects/schemes. Further, Kerala’s committed expenditure is expected to increase by 5% over the revised estimate of 2022-23. In 2023-24, Kerala is estimated to spend INR 94,649 crore on committed expenditure, which is 70% of its estimated revenue receipts. This comprises spending on salaries (30% of revenue receipts), pension (21%), and interest payments (19%). According to RBI Report (2022), Kerala state is one of the highest debt burdens based on the debt-GSDP ratio in 2020-21. It is one of the top 10 states with fiscal vulnerability in the country. The growing revenue deficit would be worrisome for the state economy. Kerala’s revenue deficit is estimated to be 2.1% of GSDP (INR 23,942 crore) in 2023-24, marginally higher than the revised estimates of 2% of GSDP for 2022-23. Though, the revenue deficit is expected to be lower than the budget estimate with 2.3% of GSDP in 2022-23. The fiscal deficit for 2023-24 is targeted at 3.5% of GSDP (INR 39,662 crore), which is the highest limit prescribed by the Union Government for states. In 2022-23, as per the revised estimates, the fiscal deficit is expected to be 3.6% of GSDP, marginally lower than the budget estimate of 3.9% of GSDP.  Kerala Budget 2023-24 announced to increase in revenue augmentation in stamp duties, electricity duty, and taxes on vehicles will all be increased. Property tax and royalty on minor minerals will also be revised for revenue augmentation to bridge the shortfall of revenues. A Social Security Cess of INR 2 per litre will be charged on liquor, petrol, and diesel to generate revenue of INR 1,150 crore and will be used for the Social Security Seed Fund.The Kerala budget has also announced a few interesting initiatives like Life Science Park and 3 Digital Sciences Parks, which will be a major boost to the state with an investment of INR1000 crores for the promotion of higher education. While one could see the State Budget largely blames the Union Government for various aspects like low state share of tax, etc., Kerala’s budget for 2023-24 has actually been inspired by the Government of India’s Make in India announcement of “Make in Kerala” through which the state aims “to increase domestic production, employment/entrepreneur/investment opportunities in Kerala”. The Budget also announced sponsoring 100 research students for short-term fellowship projects in international universities across the globe. To implement ‘Make in Kerala’, the state has done a scientific study to find ways to pursue it. A study by the Centre for Development Studies found that “Kerala imported products worth around INR1,28,000 crore in 2021-2022. Out of this, 92% was from other states. During this period, the state’s exports were around INR74,000 crore. Out of this, 70% was to other states. From this, it has to be understood that the trade deficit of Kerala is very high. In this context, the study aims to find out the imported products which can be produced locally.”   However, the state should take cautious steps and promote the production of goods within the state through ‘Make in Kerala’ only if the state has comparative advantages on essential resources over other states, both in terms of cost of production and its capability to scale up. Otherwise, it would not able to mark any difference even if the specific profitable products are promising in a short-term period. Institutional structure and means of financing large investments from the private sector are weak in the state. There is a poor nexus among factors of production across different sectors in the Kerala economy. Though, it is quite interesting that the state has mentioned in its budget that “there has been a huge boom in the infrastructure development sector in Kerala. Construction activities for a length of 1931 km worth around INR 1,33,000 crore including National Highway 66 and other National Highways are progressing at various stages.”  The urban population of Kerala is about 70% but the civic facilities and

New Guidelines bets on APJ Abdul Kalam’s Bio-Digester Technologies for decentralised solutions to manage sewage wastewater in Tamil Nadu New Guidelines bets on APJ Abdul Kalam’s Bio-Digester Technologies for decentralised solutions to manage sewage wastewater in Tamil Nadu Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan March 15, 2023 Public Policy   The changing public policies related to waste management has been widespread across states in India including Tamil Nadu. The government authorities were always urged to recognise the increasing pollution issues and diseases caused by it to find effective technological solutions. Sewage pollution poses multi-pronged challenges with the spread of diseases and it is a menace that continues to proliferate in rural and urban centres which are called growth centres attracting billions of new investments. Of late, Tamil Nadu has received some attention in this regard.  The state has more than 50% of its population living in urban areas which is the highest in the country. Recently, the state government notified the new “Septage Management Regulation & Operative Guidelines” on January 1, 2023, advocating many interesting new technologies for effectively managing the sewage wastewater challenges in the state. Further, the state government also framed the Tamil Nadu Urban Local Bodies and Chennai Metropolitan Area Septage Management (Regulation) Rules, 2022 which was notified to take effect from January 1, 2023. The new Septage Management Regulations and Operative Guidelines emphasis the removal of septage from unsewered areas in existing buildings, regulation of sewage tanker lorries operating in the local bodies with fixing GPS to track them, monitoring to prevent illegal discharge of sewage and to protect the water bodies from pollution. Although, the new Guidelines do not increase the penalties for violation and illegal transportation of sewage by taker lorries. However, it is imperative that the Greater Chennai Corporation, Chennai Metropolitan Water Supply and Sewerage Board and the Department of Municipal Administration and Water Supply, and also the Director of Town Panchayat covering all local bodies have to implement the above guidelines strictly to save the water bodies which are facing severe threats of sewage pollution and thereby outbreak of diseases.Sewage management has two broad challenges: (1) what happens after toilet-use? (2) Where does all the toilet wastewater go? Toilets are either connected to the underground sewer (off-site sanitation system) or pit latrines or septic tanks (on-site sanitation system) from which the sewage wastewater is transported through tanker lorries to the common sewage treatment plants. Eventually, all sewage ends up polluting the groundwater, waterbodies, river, agricultural land, etc.  According to the new Guidelines, every building owner must construct a septic tank or have such on-site sanitation septic tank system. The new Guidelines identify the DRDO Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology as one of the best technologies to process toilet wastewater organically and in a decentralised system within the septic tank itself and produce clean water which can be used for irrigation like gardening or groundwater recharge and prevent pollution.The new Guideline’s Technical Options for Toilets Under SBM (Urban) identifies the Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology for toilet wastewater treatment with organic bacteria called Inoculum through the scientific method of Anaerobic digestor – developed by DRDO. This Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology of DRDO was developed by a team of scientists under the guidance of APJ Abdul Kalam when he was the Chairman of DRDO during the period from 1992-1997.APJ Abdul Kalam advocated the NIP-IT-AT-THE-BUD concept for all sewage pollution with a one-stop solution where the sewage is generated. The DRDO Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology was opened to the public in 2013 through the Transfer of Technology after decades of successful implementation by the Indian Army in the remote hilly areas as well as in sub-zero temperatures of the Himalayan region. Tamil Nadu was the first state to get the license of the DRDO Technology with private sector support (MAK India Limited, a long-time technology associate of DRDO and known as indigenous technology developer since 1973) and has been supplying bio-digester septic tanks in a readymade system for different models and  different sectors across South India. The Government of Tamil Nadu for the first time recognises in its official policy, new Guidelines, and regulatory system that DRDO’s Bio-Digester Septic Tank Technology is widely used to provide 80% treatment of wastewater from Individual Household Latrine (IHHL), household clusters or institutional buildings where there is no sewerage network, the effluent should be passed through a reed bed or soak pit before discharge, and for soak pits to function soil conditions must be suitable for infiltration of effluent from septic tanks. As per the new Guidelines, “a simple type of treatment system by combining a septic tank and a soak pit, or a biodigester toilet (aerobic and anaerobic)” methods can be constructed in new buildings for onsite toilet wastewater management for sustainable solutions. Further, the new Guidelines mention that: As per the Guidelines, the key advantages of a DRDO Bio-digester septic tank are – 1) There is no sludge formation, there is no need for de-sludging and treatment. It is therefore more economical in the long-term as it conserves water and has minimum O&M; 2) Night soil degradation occurs through microbial reaction which converts it into biogas and odourless water; 3) DRDO Technology is environmentally friendly, maintenance-free, efficient and does not depend on conventional energy sources; 4) Permits use of toilet cleansing agents; 5) Suitable for mobile and stationary platforms; 6) Lifelong usage of bio-digester tank does not need recharging, re-shifting, or maintenance; 7) More cost effective than conventional toilets; 8) Easy to transport and install; 9) One-third to one-fourth capacity of a septic tank as compared to the conventional septic tank; and 10) Space requirement is less. The DRDO Bio Digester septic tank is most suitable for all water-deficient areas and drought-prone blocks and districts in the state.During the last two years, the current state government in Tamil Nadu has brought out many novel policies and regulations, and schemes in the areas of cities and towns towards clean and green for ease of living for all. Alas, many of these new programmes and schemes were not implemented effectively to reach the intended

ICSSR-funded Social Science Research lacks Perspective ICSSR-funded Social Science Research lacks Perspective Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan September 29, 2022 Public Policy Independent India’s founding fathers and mothers had envisioned that any social science research institution’s efforts and its outcomes should reflect the ground realities and struggles of the people, translating into public policy debates to improve living standards across strata.The institutions are paramount pillars for making the right kind of social science research efforts with pertinent research questions to gauge the ground-level challenges faced in society at national, regional, and villages/town levels. This in turn helps to firm up the societal issues which are involved and imperative to make the right kind of policy changes with targeted segments.Soon after independence, successive governments’ set up several national-level institutions to help the government in different capacities to frame public policies. According to J.P. Naik (who as Member-Secretary wrote roles, responsibilities, functions, programmes, & organisation of the Indian Council of Social Science Research [ICSSR] in 1971), the new institutions were entrusted  “to bring about a planned reconstruction of our society…help to provide better insights into our social problems and their solutions…”. One such premier institution in the country is the ICSSR established in 1969. It has been more than 50 years now and the institute still dominates as the major source of funding for academic research of more than two dozen research institutions/centres and thousands of faculty across the country serviced by six regional centres. The coverage of social sciences disciplines has also widened for the larger goal of knowledge sharing, dispersion, and dissemination.These apex institutions were funded out of taxpayers’ money to be part of the overall growth and development of the country as well as bringing about tangible changes in the citizens’ lives with basic services and facilities through policy shifts.At the international level, in the “Scopus database, India is ranked at 7th position for its social science publications and its share in global publications is nearly 4.25% whereas in Science & Technology publications, India is ranked at 3rd place and its share is around 7%”. It is the qualitative aspects that make a difference in the research outcomes in the basic sciences as opposed to the social sciences in India. However, the issues of quality have become a major concern in the studies and projects funded by the ICSSR both from academic and public policy perspectives. Broadly, the apex institute provides two types of funding such as minor and major projects which range from less than one year for the former and one to two years for the latter.  Other agencies like the University Grants Commission, state governments, and various departments of Union ministries also provide grants for social science research.Issues regarding funding constraints of social science think tanks such as the Chennai-based MIDS, highlighting a steady decline in support for policy-based research, have been highlighted by many. But ICSSR’s decisions are based on well-thought-out parameters. During the last 52 years, “the ICSSR has granted 6,793 Major, Minor and Collaborative Research Projects… provided financial assistance to 1,853 scholars for publication of their Doctoral Theses/Projects/Fellowship Reports/Conference Proceedings, financially supported 1,008 social science journals and 374 professional associations involved in social science research activities,” reports the ICSSR’s Annual Report for 2020-21.It is interesting to see that the apex institution has reported that it has “granted” the projects instead of “completed” them because about 20% of funded projects were not completed on time and about 7% of funded projects (451) were cancelled. During 2016-17 and 2017-18, around 23% or 108 projects and 31% or 112 projects were still not completed respectively. Being an apex institute, the functions of the ICSSR are being questioned from academic and contemporary public policy perspectives for the relevance and contexts in which the studies are conducted, the methodological approaches, sample size, the authenticity of primary surveys’ etc.There have also been incidents of lack of accountability and transparency which have been highlighted in the institution’s audit reports, but strangely those have been ignored for several years now. For instance, on the audit report presented in the ICSSR’s Annual Report of 2017-18, the CAG of India had flagged discrepancies in accounts statements. Often the disbursements of funds were found to be opaque. Further, the CAG audit had asked the apex institute to do complete accounting of all of its financial transactions both at the New Delhi office and all its regional offices “since 2009-10 but remedial action has not been taken.” Therefore, the complete accounts statements for the financial year 2017-18 were not done. Several review committees of ICSSR institutes that have time and again recommended improving the governance structure, quality of research outcomes, and independent evaluation of completed research reports for policy implications have been ignored.For instance, the 4th review committee report of the ICSSR, submitted in 2007, emphasised that the “quality of social science research output, its contribution to improving our understanding of socio-economic processes, and to the shaping of public policy, have fallen short of expectations.” Similarly, another review committee in 2011 stressed the governance of ICSSR, quality of research reports, etc. The Department of Secondary and Higher Education, Union Ministry of Education has provided grants to ICSSR of Rs.109.90 crore in 2020-21, Rs.133.06 crores in 2019-20, Rs.124.58 crore in 2018-19, Rs.189.2 crore in 2016-17, Rs.171.72 crore in 2015-16 and Rs.164.97 crores in 2014-15. Thus, the total grants have been steadily falling over since 2014-15.The ICSSR has launched a new research funding scheme called “Impactful Policy Research in Social Science” (IMPRESS) which aims to provide a research-based roadmap to address policy challenges of society and consequently the social science research landscape. The new scheme was launched in 2018 with a fund outlay of Rs.414 crore for a three-year period. The key thematic areas covered under this scheme are quite different from the usual areas funded by the ICSSR.So far, two sets of studies were provided with financial support. In the first and second tranches of projects, Tamil Nadu  got the maximum number of projects in the country. About 20% of research applications received (677) in the second tranche were from Tamil Nadu which was

Skills for Atmanirbhartha Skills for Atmanirbhartha Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan September 2, 2022 Public Policy Piecemeal efforts For years, the governments have made piecemeal efforts to empower youth with skills. For instance, ₹3,000 crore has been allocated in the Union Budget 2021-22 to “realign the existing scheme of National Apprenticeship Training Scheme (NATS) for providing post-education apprenticeship, training of graduates and diploma holders in Engineering.” This piecemeal approach restricts apprenticeship to only engineering stream and not to others.Further, the Union Ministry of Skills Development and Entrepreneurship has launched the third version of Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana recently to impart skills development to over 8 lakh persons in 2020-21 and allocated ₹948.9 crore. One lacuna of the scheme is its excessive reliance on District Skills Development Committee, chaired by District Collector, whowould not be able to prioritise this role, given other assignments. The National Skill Development Agency (NSDA), created in 2013, essentially for resolving the inter-ministerial and inter-departmental issues and avoiding duplications of skills development efforts of the Union Government, has been now subsumed as part of the National Council for Vocational Training (NCVT). This reflects not only discontinuity in policy process, but also obfuscation among policy makers.The UN’s Human Development Report-2020 found that in India only 21.1 per cent of the labour force was skilled in 2010-2019. According to a 2019 study by the National Skills Development Corporation (NSDC), 7 crore additional people in 15-59 age-group are expected to enter the labour force by 2023, of which 5.9 crore or 84.3 per cent will be in the age group 15-30 years, and half of this are expected to come from the age cohort of 15-20 years. The number of expected entrants is projected to peak to 1.29 crore in 2023 alone. Six States alone (Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka) account for 50 per cent (about 3 crores) of the new youth entrants (15-30 years). Given the sheer magnitude of youth to be skilled, it is paramount that the policy efforts are adequate in all respects.The New Education Policy emphasises on integration of vocational and formal education both at school and higher education levels. A pilot ‘hub-n-spoke’ model is being implemented in two States where an ITI will become a ‘hub’ for providing training to 5-7 adjoining schools. This is a good beginning which should mark the end of the artificial separation between the formal and vocational.Hence, we really need to start working at school level, be it private or government, and create an institutional framework with holistic approach towards of development skills and competences. For achieving an Atmanirbhar Bharat, all the skilling efforts need to be brought under one platform to eliminate silos and duplications. A sturdy institutional framework with practical and real pathways to change course between mainstream and vocational programmes needs to be made. Views expressed by the author are personal and need not reflect or represent the views of Centre for Public Policy Research.  Facebook Instagram X-twitter

Revised Tamil Nadu Budget for 2021-2022: Self-Inflicted Contradictions without Vision for Clean Governance Revised Tamil Nadu Budget for 2021-2022: Self-Inflicted Contradictions without Vision for Clean Governance Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan September 1, 2021 Public Policy   The regional economic performances would be taken a serious note on account of the COVID pandemic in India for a meaningful recovery. This is so subtly true not just the handling of general public health crisis erupted due to COVID pandemic at regional levels but overall scheme of pandemic management concerning political economy, society and the lockdowns imposed by the governments. The annals of the pandemic would be better understood after several years of efforts with the right sets of data. The states like Tamil Nadu stand out as unique in their respect.The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) which came to power after a gap of a decade was quick to recognize the fact that Tamil Nadu is not all that bad in every aspect in the spheres of economic, environmental, and social development. But the same DMK had whined on every single issue during the last decade, just because it has been out of power. Therefore, it is interesting to note the steps being taken by the DMK government; it would be closely watched by every quarter whether steps taken by the government would be different from the previous government because this government like others comes with huge baggage. Two recent documents of the DMK government expose: what it promised as pre-poll agenda, what it intends to do on the ground irrespective of the strengths and weakness of the State of the economy, and where the Tamil Nadu economy stands out in the national economic perspective as the second-largest economy in the country. The first one is the “White Paper on the State of Finance” and the second is the Revised Budget for the current Financial Year 2021-2022.  Each one warrants complete scrutiny not just because it’s the DMK government’s documents but because it would be very imperative to take forward the issues in the right perspective for a better future. Though the DMK government has to be congratulated for boldly bringing out the White Paper on Tamil Nadu Government’s Finances with facts and figures, the public debates at large forget about what it has omitted. It has done this despite very well knowing its conflicting facts and figures mentioned in the past as well as the in the last three months after assuming office. It would be good to have a white paper on all major sectors so that the present status would be better informed for public discourse if not for taking corrective mechanisms to overcome.This article briefly looks at the revised budget for 2021-22 which was presented on 13.08.2021 more than two months after the DMK took over office. The budget was presented by the Finance Minister Dr. Palanivel Thiaga Rajan, maybe for the first time by someone, who is a not seasoned politician. His wide outspoken tone on various subject matters did not match with the budget announcements. Looking at the sectoral issues and challenges faced by the Tamil Nadu economy, the budget hardly recognizes the urgency and disparity faced by several of them before taking steps to revive.The budget’s announcement in key sectors like health, education, road, transports, power, water resources, police, judicial, public distribution, etc. needs substantial rethinking with new ideas for better governance to fix the prevailing challenges which are no less than lingering for years now. It is the typical budget of DMK with a few tweaks here and there. However, it is so sobering to note that in the tenth paragraph of the budget speech, the finance minister mentions that “The White Paper, released on 9th August 2021… has laid bare the dismal record of fiscal mismanagement of the past decade, including the elevated deficits and consequent debt overhang from the previous Government.” The white paper has to be analysed separately in the right perspective keeping in mind the track records of the political economy of the state because the white paper misses many important aspects.  While the DMK government after assuming office in May, 2021 had issued “securities in the form of Stock” for availing loans of more than Rs.15,000/- crores for providing freebees which were promised in their election manifesto. Moreover, the present DMK government has announced free city bus rides for women which amount loss of more than Rs.1200/- crores annually. This has been done by knowing the fact that the Tamil Nadu state transport corporations are already overburdened with losses of over Rs.33,000 crores.  Further, the government has announced “waiver of co-operative jewel loans and loans to Self Help Groups” which together amounts to Rs.7,559.95 crores. If the DMK is seriously concerned about the “debt overhang” of the state they should not have sanctioned the above loans which will be paid back after twenty years or thirty years period by which time God knows who will be in power. This is a classic case of self-contradiction of the present DMK government which pretends to set right the systemic imbalances of state finances over the next few years. The finance minister has announced that the government would work towards the “Data-Centric Governance” which is near impossible to think about, keeping in mind the performance of past DMK governments because the ground realities have not changed anything by virtues of its foregone conclusions; because if any cleaning has to take place in the overall governance it has to start from its party governance and its cadre.  Nevertheless, it is worth noting the following announcements made in the budget: An advisory council to develop a Federal Fiscal Model with renowned experts on legislation involving revenue and taxation  A cross-departmental initiative to link all available Government data sources  Landbank of all state government lands for better utility and monetization  E-procurement will be mandatorily adopted across all procuring entities  Smart metering for all public utilities  This slew of data-centric governance reforms announcement made in the budget for the governance of government affairs makes

Biodigester: An Antidote to Cities’ Septage Management Challenges Biodigester: An Antidote to Cities’ Septage Management Challenges Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan February 9, 2021 Public Policy   Studies have projected that India’s vantage point in the coming decades would be cities full of people, which means immense human potential, opportunities and capital resources. There is a huge scope to improve the current conditions of cities in India, making a safe and secure urban life ought to be built on conscious decisions taken by all stakeholders.  At present, the cities — small or semi-urban centres, with or without industrial hotspots,— in countries like India or elsewhere really cannot afford to miss the opportunities to improve the minimum level of urban amenities and ambiance for providing a safe and secure living for all. The aim of future cities ought to be embedded in the aspirations of people with their participation and inclusive nature of dialogues between the government at the local level and the people. During the monsoon seasons, many cities in India witness water logging mainly due to the failure of storm-water drainage systems which are either dysfunctional or clogged with all kinds of solid waste generated by residents, industrial and medical establishments, etc. The issues of septage management systems were completely ignored for decades, despite the development of promising indigenous technologies that are not just affordable but highly decentralised in approach making them more sustainable. However, crises of the past and now with COVID-19, policymakers seem to have missed the imperative to focus on sound public policies to address the core issues of cities.According to the Union Ministry of Urban Development’s National Policy on Faecal Sludge and Septage Management, 2017 (NPFSSM), about 47 per cent of urban households depend on on-site systems of toilet waste management in India. Around 62.5 per cent of toilet waste in urban India is untreated or partially treated, and a major part of this waste is from on-site systems. The number is even higher in Tamil Nadu with 55 per cent of the population (as per Census 2011) continue to dispose of toilet waste into septic tanks — many of which are not designed properly — and hence sewage does not get treated effectively, resulting in faecal contamination and diseases. Tamil Nadu is the most urbanised State in India with about 50 percent of people living in urban areas. According to the Government of Tamil Nadu’s “Operative Guidelines for Septage Management for Local Bodies in Tamil Nadu (2017),” many institutions, commercial establishments, high-rise buildings and households let sewage water into storm-water drains illegally and regulators are unable to make these offenders comply. In areas un-served by sewer systems, sewage collected in underground tanks is dumped into water bodies in and around cities, thereby contaminating groundwater and resulting in environmental degradation.Further, the practice of dumping of sewage at the closest point from where it is collected has been rampant across the country. Moreover, so far, only about 35 percent of Tamil Nadu’s urban population is covered by Underground Sewage Systems (UGSs). Indeed, many local bodies cannot create and manage assets for the treatment of liquid waste as these involve large investments and long gestation periods. Besides, maintenance of the established treatment systems is another big challenge. Moreover, there were also incidents of underutilisation and dysfunction of existing sewage treatment plants (STPs) and disposal of untreated waste into freshwater bodies. Even though there exist stringent regulations, untreated waste from on-site systems are let into undesignated areas like open drains, water bodies, empty land, river, streams, etc. leading to health hazards, groundwater pollution and faecal contamination of the water supply.Therefore, innovative approaches are needed to solve key urban issues such as hygiene and sanitation by adopting sustainable and cost-effective technology. Though recent years have witnessed massive awareness about hygiene and sanitation through Swachh Bharat Mission, innovative and sustainable approaches to adopt the indigenous technology on a larger scale were not given adequate focus and attention.A clean and green environment is not something the government alone is responsible to make; every individual citizen of the country should be a part of it. We need to encourage a decentralised, technology-driven and eco-friendly model with individual ownership-based solutions for on-site sanitation systems built independently by residents, institutions, industries, etc. These innovative designs have to be based on an individual owner’s budget and space available, rather than adhering to single bureaucratic standards and safety norms which make the entire system cumbersome and outdated, serving no purpose at all. Biodigester is Antidote The Government of India’s Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) had developed the eco-friendly Biodigester technology in 2014 and transferred the technology to several companies all over the country. A total of 56 companies were given this technology license, but not all license holders were effectively working to improve the filthy urban space to provide a safe and secure environment in a cost-effective manner.Biodigester has high potential and has been diligently developed with indigenous technology and tested. Few companies, including some from the State of Tamil Nadu, are now the leading makers of Biodigester in India with large-scale production capacities. However, despite its high potential, it is yet to be revolutionised across all sectors of the economy. The urban planners have either heard about it or ignore it or play with vested interests to prevent venturing into resolving the cities’ core issues. The Biodigester is now being used on a large scale by the Indian Railways and the armed forces, besides others. Several thousands of Biodigester tanks and bio-toilets are installed across the country. Of course, some criticisms challenge the efficacy of Biodigester technology based on the micro-level field studies (Philip et al. 2020). However, institutions like the Centre for Science and Environment (2016 and 2019) have supported the technology based on several national-level best practices and comparative studies which paved breaking away from the conventional systems.The Niti Aayog in its Report on India@ 75 Strategy for New India (2018) adopted a national strategy “to reduce the cost and time incurred on laying sewage pipelines and constructing sewage treatment plants,

Innovative Technology Enabling Effective Solid Waste Management in Tamil Nadu Innovative Technology Enabling Effective Solid Waste Management in Tamil Nadu Chandrasekaran Balakrishnan December 18, 2020 Public Policy The article discusses how an innovative incineration technology has been used in processing tonnes of solid waste in the State of Tamil Nadu to zero waste without pollution and creating byproducts with tangible economic values. It also points out at the technology’s huge potential for transforming the national landscape into global markets and the need for a public policymaking system to change its mindset to live up to the ground realities. The vivid impacts of COVID-19 on the social and economic milieus are unwittingly visible at all levels of society and the economy across the world. India is no exception to it. However, impacts of COVID-19 on the environment and environmental protection measures are perhaps by far the most enduring, which are yet to be measured systematically and comprehensively to take up a multipronged approach for course corrections across the world. However, few studies stress on the impacts ofCOVID-19 to bring out perspectives on the subject of climate change.In a vastly populated country like India, which is an emerging market with a low level of per capita income, environmental protection measures are hitherto largely left to the governments, industries and other stakeholders. The local governments across the country are mainly focused on saving people from getting affected by COVID-19 and other prevention measures. Adequate attention is not given to environmental protection measures to minimise the degradation of the environment. Though, during COVID-19, few cities did far better in handling not only the municipal solid waste (MSW) but also medical waste and hazardous waste through innovative technologies, in most of the others it was completely left to the fate of nature.The past few years have seen several inventions and innovative technological experiments in the area of solid waste management in India. Some of them have been piloted and tested for efficacy with effective recycling of MSW and creation of comprehensive zero-pollution byproducts, showing encouraging trends in handling the most dangerous non-biodegradable waste generated by the residents of cities and urban growth centres.Moreover, few proactive States like Tamil Nadu have shown commitments by piloting innovative technologies and taking up the next phase of experimentation to scale it up to achieve clean and green urban centres. However, from the policy evolution perspective, it has been noticed that the use of innovative technology in most sensitive issues like MSW management often tends to face multiple hurdles while getting recognised by the government apparatus, which needs to be changed forever to transform the cities into really smart in finding solutions. A few years ago, 100 cities were brought in as Smart Cities with some or other combinations of technology to find solutions to the challenges faced by cities, but the sustainability of those technological solutions seem to be eroding faster. However, a few exceptional innovations and inventions are waiting at the doors of mainstream policymakers who still seem to be reluctant to take them up at a larger level.An interesting breakthrough technology named ‘MAK Green Incinerator’(homegrown and patented), which has a huge potential for transforming the national landscape into global markets with the most ultra-modern sophistication capacity, was recently awarded CavinKare MMA Chinnikrishnan Innovation Awards-2020 for zero-pollution and creating byproducts with tangible economic values out of biodegradable and non-biodegradable solid waste using Green incineration, i.e., without using any external fuel and a state-of-the-art pollution control system. The output is pure organic manure from biodegradable waste, paver bricks from ash produced from non-biodegradable waste, carbon from smoke, etc. Water used in the process is being recycled. The paver bricks produced are excellent quality which can be used for ground water recharge in the long run. The total volume reduction from non-biodegradable waste is up to 4 to 6 percent. For the first time in the State, the unit also got consent from the Tamil Nadu Pollution Control Board (TNPCB) to operate, based on its merits.All byproducts generated by this innovative technology have been tested in NABH approved laboratories and quality audit was done for gauging the sustainability of quality and standards. It was found that the byproducts have achieved not only the expectations of the experiments for zero pollution, but also more effective alternative use. As the total mixed MSW can be easily converted, there will be zero dump at dump yards, and this points to a possibility of converting existing dump yards into parks, thus saving100 hectares of land used as dump sites. The MAK Green Incinerator was awarded after multiple rounds of discussions among eminent panellists, consisting of academic (IITs) and industry (Saint Gobain, ITC, Kirlosker) experts, about the innovation’s uniqueness, its potential benefit to people and the capacity to scale up to save Mother Earth. The new technology can be adopted in cities and urban centres, where it can help to convert waste to zero waste in an eco-friendly way, without any pollution.The MAK Green Incinerator has been piloted in different locations in Tamil Nadu during the last two years and has achieved converting several thousands of tonnes of MSW and the medical waste of COVID-19into byproducts. The new technology was invented by a team under the leadership of reputed engineer Manickam Athappa Gounder and Scientist Prof Dr Raman Sivakumar, who is associated with M/s MAK India Limited, based out of Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu. Their rich overseas experience and hard work paved the way for the success.The commercial experiment of the MAK Green Incinerator technology was carried out at the Erode City Corporation, by operating the first pilot plant with 25 tonnes per day capacity. The efficacy of the new technology was effectively achieved in full capacity within a matter of six months. Indeed, the pilot plant was effective in preventing the mounting MSW dumped at the banks of Cauvery River for more than a year, thus saving the river and eliminating groundwater contamination, besides others. The pilot plant also helped prevent the spread of diseases